SSDP

Is Trump 2.0's Foreign and Security Policy Strategic?

1. Significant Contradictions in Trump 2.0's Foreign and Security Policy

One year has passed since the Second Trump Administration started in January 2025. Most, if not all, may agree that it has dramatically changed US foreign and security policy and significantly altered the international order. However, understanding the direction of the Trump Administration's foreign and security policy is extremely difficult. Is this dramatic policy shift aimed at transforming the existing international order to be advantageous to the United States? Or is President Trump behaving as he desires, not knowing that his behavior might ultimately change US policy and cause significant damage to the international order?

The underlying cause of this interpretative difficulty lies in that the Trump Administration's foreign and security policy is characterized by profound internal contradictions.

First, there is a contradiction between Trump's aspirations for "peacemaking" feats worthy of a Nobel Peace Prize and the "America First" aspirations of his core supporters, the MAGA (Make America Great Again) crowd. Trump wants a Nobel Peace Prize for his role as a "peacemaker" in Ukraine and the Middle East. MAGA supporters are dissatisfied with Trump's involvement in peace negotiations in global conflicts because they want to have the USA's limited resources devoted to domestic purposes.¹

The second problem is the contradiction between Trump's non-ideological, deal-oriented approach and the benefits that come from allies who share democratic values. The Trump administration criticizes past US diplomacy, which emphasized values such as democracy and human rights. Now, Trump is pursuing a deal-oriented diplomacy that focuses on energy and economic interests. This has widened the gap with European allies. During the war on terror in Afghanistan after the 2001 9/11 attacks, European allies dispatched troops. They declared collective self-defense in accordance with Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty. These allies viewed the attack on the United States as an attack on the entire NATO alliance. Worsening relations with such allies, who are willing to act with the United States in emergencies, will ultimately weaken America's influence over non-aligned countries like China and Russia. It could also undermine the diplomatic deals that Trump seeks.

The third problem is the contradiction between Trump's pursuit of personal and family/relatives-related economic interests and the concerns of Republican Congress and non-MAGA Republican supporters about potential conflict of interest. Special Envoy for the Middle East, Witkoff, and Trump's son-in-law, Jared Kushner, are pivotal figures in the Middle East and Ukraine peace talks, but the prioritization of their personal and business interests complicates diplomatic channels and agendas. Their behavior will ultimately have an adverse effect on the achievement of US diplomatic goals and raise concern not only among Democrats and independents but also among Republican Congressmen and non-MAGA supporters.² The Trump administration is facing the risk of losing Republican support, with the November 2026 midterm elections and the 2028 presidential election in view.

This paper aims to help achieve a deeper understanding of Trump 2.0's foreign and security policy and predict its future direction by analyzing the multiple factors responsible for these contradictions.

2. Overview of the Trump 2.0's Foreign and Security Policy

(1) China Policy

Trump wants to eliminate the trade deficit with China, which appears to explain why he does not seem to be concerned with deterring China's unification of Taiwan or its expansionist stance in the East and South China Seas. Meanwhile, the Trump administration's cabinet and staff, as well as the Republican Congress, want to win the geopolitical competition with China. These contradictions are evident as such in the National Security Strategy (NSS) and other documents.

At the US-China summit in October 2025, the two leaders agreed to a temporary truce in the US-China trade war. Both sides shared the same goal: the Trump administration needed to avoid an economic slowdown before the November 2026 midterm elections, while China needed to avoid a further economic downturn at home.

To play up Trump's deal with China ahead of his April 2026 visit to Beijing, language likely to provoke China was removed from, for example, the National Defense Strategy (NDS). The President stated that the administration's goal is not to dominate or humiliate China, and made no direct mention of the Taiwan issue, which China claims as a "core interest."³

John Bolton, former National Security Advisor during the first Trump administration, noted that Trump believes good relations between national leaders will lead to good relations between the nations.⁴ It is highly likely that the current administration staff chose restrained language out of consideration that they should not hinder Trump's China deal. As a result, allies and neighboring countries fear that Trump might seek a compromising deal (a grand bargain) with China for his political gain during his upcoming visit to China in April.⁵

(2) Russia-Ukraine Peace Negotiations

Some point out regarding the Ukraine ceasefire negotiations that there is no consensus within the US policy community, but that Trump's self-appointed peacemaking mission and his relatives' business interests are prioritized. In US mediation diplomacy in Ukraine during 2025, the following pattern was repeated⁶ but no progress was made toward an effective ceasefire or peace.

1. The Trump administration announces a pro-Russia ceasefire/peace plan and pressures Ukraine to compromise. ⇒
2. Ukraine and European allies revise the pro-Russia plan and draft a compromise. ⇒
3. Europe and Ukraine agree on the compromise with the United States. ⇒
4. Russia rejects the compromise. ⇒ 1).

The European and Ukrainian game plan is to fully cooperate with Trump in his goal of achieving a ceasefire and of ending the war, distinguish their stance from Putin's hesitant one, and prevent a unilateral handling of the Ukraine crisis by Trump and Putin.

In February 2026, at the latest UAE-hosted talks with Ukraine and Russia, the US government proposed that June of this year should be the deadline for ending the war and demanded a clear process to that end. However, the future outlook remains uncertain.

(3) Middle East Policy

The Trump administration is approaching Gulf countries, with an ideology that distances itself from human rights and democratic values, different from that of the previous Biden administration. Notable is the move aimed at promoting investment in the United States from oil-producing countries and at expanding business opportunities for Trump's family businesses.

As a self-appointed "peacemaker," Trump negotiated a ceasefire with the militant group Hamas in Gaza—a preliminary step toward the expanded Abraham Accords. The agreement was barely reached, and the ceasefire is now in effect. Trump has involved his son-in-law, Kushner, in negotiations to benefit businesses with Qatar. Therefore, an Israeli airstrike attempting to assassinate Hamas negotiators in Qatar angered Trump, resulting in the making of his 20-point Gaza peace plan.⁷

However, in that process, Trump failed to exert enough influence to stop Israel from attacking Iran's nuclear facilities, but rather joined Israel in carrying out airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities. The result was no more than a one- to two-year delay in Iran's nuclear development; the United States will be obliged to risk another military action against Iran in the future. Exploiting the disturbances in Iran due to the Iranian government's crackdown on anti-government protests, the Trump administration suggested the possibility of military intervention and proposed denuclearization negotiations. If the US military attack on Iran further expanded and the US government were obliged to send ground troops, it could face even greater difficulties than in the Iraq War.⁸。

(4) Detention of Venezuelan President Maduro

The US military operation of detaining Venezuelan President Maduro blatantly ignored the international order which the international community had believed the United States to be the last country to ignore; Trump's declaration that international law has nothing to do with the operation sparked international concern. Trump likely hoped that the military action would boost his domestic approval ratings, but an Ipsos Reuters poll conducted on January 4-5 found that the Trump administration's approval rating increased by only 3 points, with only 33% of respondents supporting the attack on Venezuela. 72% expressed concern about excessive US military involvement in Venezuela.⁹ Non-MAGA Republican lawmakers are concerned that a company with a close relation to Trump has acquired an oil concession in Venezuela.

The recent US military operation has succeeded in decreasing the influence of China and Russia in Central America. Other challenges, such as exerting effective pressure on the current Cuban regime, dependent on Venezuela's oil revenues, will hinge on the stability of the Venezuelan government.

(5) Conflict with Europe over Greenland

Trump has seriously undermined the trust of European allies in the United States by pressuring Denmark to agree to America's acquisition of Greenland, stating that he would not rule out the use of military force to this end if necessary. On January 9, Trump declared the additional tariffs on several European countries that oppose the US acquisition of Greenland. However, the market reacted to the EU's preparations for counter-tariffs; on the 20th, a "US sell-off" spread across US financial markets, resulting in a "triple sell-off" in which stocks, bonds, and currencies fell simultaneously. Trump withdrew his tough stance on acquiring Greenland and on imposing additional tariffs. As a result, Trump was mocked with the acronym "TACO" (Trump Always Chickens Out). Eventually, this was good news for NATO member states. Trump's actions aimed at undermining NATO solidarity have caused serious concerns among European allies, while Russia and China, which favor a multipolar world, also welcomed the news.

3. Factors Influencing the Trump Administration's Foreign and Security Policy

The foreign and security policy of Trump 2.0 outlined above and the guidelines described in the NSS and the NDS coincide only in their emphasis on the slogan of restraint, "America First," the consistent theme shared in the administration. In reality, policy measures are implemented by coordinating different views and policy orientations within the administration. The most influential factor is Trump's will. Under Trump 2.0, staff and cabinet members who, if under Trump 1.0, would have sought to restrain or change Trump's policy direction have been eliminated.

(1) The Ideology of Restraint

The element most widely shared within the Trump Administration is the vision of restraint and the emblematic "America First" slogan. The NSS links a policy of "strategic stability with Russia" with European security. The policy prioritizes preventing military escalation with Russia and reducing excessive US military engagement in Europe.¹⁰ This stems from the reflection that the "long wars" in Afghanistan and Iraq eroded the United States' national power. Trump excluded neoconservatives who led the Iraq War from his first and second administration that is dominated by the ideology of restraint. This faction is criticized for being "deep engagers." There are concerns that long-term US military involvement abroad could provoke hostile countries and drain the nation's resources. For this reason, in Trump 2.0's regional balance of power strategy, the idea of ​​"offshore balancing" is dominant, which asserts minimizing US involvement and relying on regional allies for balancing power.¹¹ The NSS and the NDS emphatically call on allies to help themselves.¹²

(2) Indo-Pacific Priority

As for the vision of restraint that appears to be broadly agreed upon within the administration, there are differences in policy direction between conservatives and realists. They share the understanding that China is the only nation capable of challenging the United States, and believe that allies should seek to check China. However, given China's strong national power, those pessimistic about allies' capability of checking China adamantly advocate an engagement policy to contain China and defend Taiwan. Conversely, those optimistic about the potential of allies are negative about US engagement in the Indo-Pacific.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, and Under Secretary of War for Policy Elbridge Colby value their relationships with Vice President J.D. Vance and Whaite House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephan Miller, who are conservative and restraint-oriented, and are aligned in efforts to reduce US support for Ukraine and military engagement in Europe, which the latter two do not want. However, the former three take a more proactive stance toward engagement in the Indo-Pacific. For example, the NDS inherits the long-standing US geopolitical goal of maintaining a balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region, which has been consistently pursued since President Theodore Roosevelt, not allowing for the emergence of a dominant nation there.¹³ Although prioritizing the Indo-Pacific over Europe is not shared by all people in Trump 2.0, it is an important factor.

(3) Anti-Liberal Conservative Nationalism

American conservative nationalists vehemently oppose the social reform policies previously pursued by liberal Democrats. Also imbued with anti-immigrant nationalism, they form Trump's core support base, known as the MAGA crowd. Conservative nationalists prioritize domestic policy and are reluctant to engage in international politics. This forms the core of their restraint-based ideology. Their ideology is rooted in social conservatism that advocates protecting the "American way of life," rejecting progressivism that embraces social diversity and the global economy.¹⁴

The NSS excludes the liberal value of DEI (diversity, equity, and inclusion) from the overall foreign and security policy of the United States. The document mentions the American way of life, in addition to the homeland, people, territory, and the economy, as the things that the United States must protect from hostile forces. The phrase referring to European allies, "democratic allies," which appeared in previous government documents, has been obliterated.¹⁵ Conservative nationalists are suspicious of allied nations' free-riding on the security provided by US military power; they tend to require an increase in the burdens that must be shouldered by allies.

(4) New Imperialism/Western Hemispherism

The NSS's Western Hemisphere section includes the "Trump Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine," which calls for the exclusion of Chinese and Russian influence from the Western Hemisphere and justifies military engagement in the US territory without being bound by international rules.¹⁶ Trump's willingness to acquire Greenland was similarly perceived as a challenge to the international order and shocked European allies. This is because, in both instances, the administration of the United States, a nation aspiring to be the guardian of the international order, behaved disrespectfully toward international rules without providing valid reasons.

The Trump administration's diplomatic stance toward Venezuela and Greenland, which seeks to acquire resources or territory through force, has been described by experts as a "new imperialism" recalling the era of colonial competition between major powers in the 19th century.¹⁷

Regarding Western Hemispherism, people's stances are not alike even in the Trump administration. White House Deputy Chief of Staff Miller stated that the Trump administration's official position is that Greenland should be US territory, and when asked about the possibility of US military intervention in this connection, he questioned Denmark's claim to sovereignty in the Arctic and stated that for the United States to ensure Arctic security and to protect NATO and its interests, Greenland should naturally be part of the United States.¹⁸ This stance is undoubtedly indicative of "neo-imperialism."

On the other hand, Secretary of State Rubio mentioned Greenland, stating that any American president has the option of military means whenever they must address a security threat. He respected Trump's intentions but emphasized negotiation over military pressure.¹⁹ Compared to Miller, his remarks are more considerate of alliances and international law. Rubio appears to value allies to win in the competition with China and Russia. Meanwhile, regarding US engagement in Central America, a region which is bound to have a vital impact on US security, Rubio endorses a traditional US security stance of acting not subject to international rules. This cannot be described categorically as "neo-imperialism."

In 1990, President George Bush (Sr.), in response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, formed a multinational force with the consent of the Soviet Union and China, emphasizing the UN Security Council process, and then fought the Gulf War. Just a few months earlier, on the other hand, the Bush administration had launched a military invasion against Panama, detained General Noriega, and tried the Panamanian dictator in a US court, not bound by international law. Rubio's stance may be seen as an extension of traditional US conservative diplomacy.

(5) Neo-Royalism

The above elements are considered to determine the Trump Administration's foreign and security policy, but the administration's specific policy measures sometimes contradict these elements. For example, the US airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities on June 21, 2025, at the request of Israel, are inconsistent with the America-first ideology of restraint.

Trump's decision to authorize this attack was likely influenced by his desire to do a favor for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, extract advantageous conditions for a Gaza ceasefire, and claim the achievement as his own, as well as from the influence of his son-in-law, Kushner, who has close relations with Netanyahu.

One element of Trump's foreign and security policy that cannot be overlooked is his personal interests and motives. Regarding the nature of Trump's diplomacy, which revolves around his own interests and those of his associates, Wellesley College professor Stacie Goddard and Georgetown University professor Abraham Newman have come up with a "Neo-Royalist" hypothesis, recalling royal diplomacy during the era of absolute monarchy in the 17th century. This theory argues that the current Trump administration's foreign policy can be seen as a tool to gain money and status for Trump himself and a group of stakeholders around him. The two experts also point out that to achieve these personal interests, the Trump administration could collude with rival countries whose national interests do not align with those of the United States.²⁰

Trump states that US control of Venezuela will contribute to America's prosperity, but it remains unclear whether it will benefit the United States in the future. As an aside, last year, Amber Energy Inc., backed by a prominent Trump supporter Paul Singer, won an auction for a controlling stake in CITGO, a subsidiary of Venezuela's state-owned oil company, by paying nearly half of its market value.²¹。

Neo-Royalism, which prioritizes Trump's wishes above all else, is also influencing the NSS and the NDS. Since Trump hopes to achieve diplomatic success through a major deal with Xi Jinping, the NSS no longer mentions China's problematic behavior disregarding international rules. It also avoids mentioning Taiwan. This is considered to be due more to the consideration not to hinder Trump's deal with China, which would be his personal achievement, than to the ideology of restraint or an appeasing stance toward China. Eliot Cohen makes the point that the NDS is not strategic because it contains 47 compliments to Trump and five photos of him, and that loyalty to Trump takes precedence over national strategy.²²

4. In Lieu of Conclusion: Concerns about Implications for the Future

How will the direction of Trump's foreign and security policy affect US security? The achievement of persuading NATO member nations to agree to increasing defense spending to 5% of GDP by 2035 (including 1.5% for infrastructure and other areas) is regarded as a success of Trump's diplomacy. However, this should not be construed as a definitive diplomatic triumph, as it is due not only to Europe's proactive stance in maintaining the alliance but also to its emphasizing self-reliance, motivated by concerns about US commitment. The growing distrust among European allies, due to, among other things, Trump's comments about Greenland, could have serious long-term implications for US defense and security.

The Trump administration prioritizes its commitment to Indo-Pacific security over Europe. The Biden administration succeeded in deepening US-European cooperation on support for Ukraine and in involving European allies in efforts to check China. But Trump 2.0's underrating of Europe is a cause for concern, for it is pushing Europe toward improving relations with China.²³

Under the Trump administration, which is characterized by strong anti-liberal conservative nationalism, Secretary of War Hegseth dismissed top military officials who endorsed liberal values, creating tension in the civil-military relationship that has traditionally respected military professionalism and independence. This could pose a long-term risk of discouraging military solidarity and morale.²⁴

Neo-Royalist spending and investment in such plans whose military rationality is questionable not only lowers military morale but also poses a risk to the United States' ability to build effective military power. Projects like the military parade staged on Trump's birthday, and the "Trump-class battleship initiative" estimated to cost around $9 billion, are being questioned on grounds of fiscal and military rationality.²⁵ In addition, Trump's so-called "dole-out policy" to US troops—the $1,776-worth "Warrior Dividend" funded by tariff revenues—is justified as honoring America's founding year (1776). Estimated at a total cost of $2.57 billion, such irrational spending highlights the lack of strategy in the defense budgets under the Trump administration rather than encouraging troop morale.²⁶

Despite championing "America First," the second Trump administration's foreign and security policy appears to be dominated by elements that could undermine US security and prosperity in the long term.

(Written as of February 28, 2026, Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation)

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• June, 2023, "China's Aim to Become a Nuclear Superpower" by Masafumi Iida, Head of China Division at the National Institute for Defense Studies
• June, 2023, "Challenges for Nuclear Arms Control in the Era of Strategic Competition Among Major Powers" by Nobumasa Akiyama, Professor, Hitotsubashi University
• June, 2023, "Mechanisms and Functions of Nuclear Deterrence－Development of US Nuclear Strategic Theory" by Masashi Murano, Research Fellow of Hudson Institute
• April 2023, "Changing NATO's "Achilles Heel"—Security in the Baltic Region" by Sanshiro Hosaka, Fellow,The International Centre for Defence and Security, Estonia
• April 2023, Evolution of European Security System - Visualization of Deterrence by NATO and the "Russian Problem" by Michito Tsuruoka, Associate Professor, Keio University
• April 2023, "An Expanded NATO's Nuclear Strategy" by Yoko Iwama
• March, 2023, "Germany's Civilian Power Model—Modification or Termination?--Germany Struggling with the War in Ukraine" by Toshiya Nakamura, Professor, Nagoya University
• March, 2023, "France and the Ukraine War―The Logic Behind Macron's Security Policy" by Ken Endo, Professor, The University of Tokyo
• March, 2023, "The Russo-Ukrainian War and the British Response: 2014-2023" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
• March, 2023, "Where is America Heading—Implications and Challenges for the Allies" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
• December 2022, Proposal "Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a New Cold War Era" was announced
  0. Front Cover
  1. Changes in the Security Environment Surrounding Japan - Shifting Power Balance and the Three Front Threats Ken Jimbo
  2. How Will "Japan Contingencies" Emerge? Osamu Onoda
  3. The Japan-US Alliance Revisited: Is it Dependable? Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki
  4. A New Phase of Defense Diplomacy and Defense Production and Technology Base Ippeita Nishida, Tsuneo Watanabe
  5. Intelligence Activities in the Post-Ukraine War Era Jun Nagashima
  6. Responding to the Nuclear Threat Masashi Murano
  7. No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities - Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland? - Ryoichi Oriki
  8. Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi
• October 2022, "Japan-China Relations under the Long-term Administration of Xi Jinping: Current Status, Prospects, and Expectations" written by Kazuyuki Suwa, Professor, University of Shizuoka
• October 2022, "China's Policy on the Global South --- China's World View and the Configuration of the US-China Confrontation " written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• October 2022, "Military Strategy of Xi Jinping's China" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasagawa Peace Foundation
• September 2022, " Social Governance by the Communist Party of China: The Present State and the Future Prospects " written by Kazuko Kojima, Professor, Keio University
• September 2022, "The Relationship between Domestic Politics and Diplomacy under the Xi Jinping Administration- Why Were the Large-Scale Military Exercises Decided?" written by Chisako T. Masuo, Professor, Kyushu University
• September 2022, "Xi Jinping's China--- Prospects for Its Climate Change Policy ---" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, The University of Kyoto
• August 2022, " Current Assessment of the Xi Jinping's Rule and Prospects for the Third Term of the Xi Administration " written by Takashi Suzuki, Associate Professor, Aichi Prefectural University
• August 2022, " Economic Challenges Awaiting the Xi Jinping Administration As it Enters its Third Term" written by Toshiya Tsugami, Director, Tsugami Toshiya's Works
• July 2022, "The Russian Invasion of Ukraine and the Future International Legal Order" written by Masahiro Kurosaki, Associate Professor, National Defense Academy
• July 2022, "The Ukraine War and Security in East Asia" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2022, "How Will the Ukraine War Change the New US-China Cold War?" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• July 2022, "Impact of the Ukraine War on the Global Economy" written by Tatsuhiko Yoshizaki, Chief Economist, Sojitz Research Institute, Ltd.
• June 2022, "Why War Occurs in Europe?--The Structural Transformation of the European Security Order in the Post-Cold War Era --" written by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
• June 2022,"The Russia-Ukrainian War and the Behind-the-Scenes Stance of the United States" "On Economic Security" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• June 2022, "The Russia-Ukraine War and NATO", written by Michito Tsuruoka, Associate Professor, Keio University
• June 2022, "The Ukrainian War Viewed from Theories of International Politics" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defens Academy
• March 2022, "Economic Security Challenges and Cyber Security" written by Jun Osawa, Senior Research Fellow, Nakasone Peace Institute
• March 2022, "On Economic Security" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the Ntional Defense Academy
• March 2022, ""Economic Security" and the Review of the 2013 NSS and the Related Strategy Documents" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, the University of Tokyo
• March 2022, "The US-China Rivalry and Economic Security" written by Yuzo Murayama, Professor, Doshisya University
• March 2022, "Japan's National Security Policies and Science and Technology" written by Nobukatsu Kanehara, Professor, Doshisya University
• March 2022, "Economic Security in the Free Trade Regime" written by Kazuto Suzuki, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January 2022, "The 2022 South Korean Presidential Election and the Next Administration's Foreign and Security Policy" written by Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• January 2022, "North Korea's Nuclear and Missile Development and Japan's Defense" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, GRIPS
• January 2022, "What will Become of Japan-South Korea Relations? The 1965 Japan-South Korea Treaty System in Jeopardy" written by Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
• December 2021, "Economic and Social Conditions in North Korea and its Relations with South Korea" written by Mitsuhiro Mimura, Chief Research Fellow, The Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia.
• December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
• December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shunji Hiraiwa, Professor, Nanzan University.
• December 2021, "What to Do with the Relations with North Korea?" written by Hitoshi Tanaka, Chairman for Institute for International Strategy at the Japan Research Institute.
• October 2021, "Strategic Implications of North Korea's Enhanced Nuclear and Missile Capabilities" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
• October 2021, "The Biden Administration's North Korea Policy: Its Low Priority and Looming Crises" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• October 2021, "The Evolution of the US-ROK Alliance: Tasks in the Biden Era" written by Yasuyo Sakata, Professor, Kanda University of International Studies.
• September 2021, "The Development of Regional Security Architecture: From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific" written by Ken Jimbo, Professor, Keio University.
• September 2021, "The Strategic Development of Japanese Security Cooperation under Superpower Competition and the Development of the FOIP and its Operationalization" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo.
• August 2021, "Security Perceptions of Central Asian Countries--- From the Perspective of China Studies ---" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
• August 2021, "Security in the Indian Ocean Region---Implication of the Galwan Incident for QUAD in the Indo-Pacific" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao, Fellow (Non-Resident), Hudson Institute.
• August 2021, "Easternization and Security in Asia" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• July 2021, "The Ideas of "Autonomy" and "Self-Reliance" in Contemporary India's Foreign Strategy" written by Kazutoshi TAMARI, Associate Professor,Chukyo University.
• July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
• July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
• July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
• June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
• June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
• June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
• June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
• June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
• May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
• May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
• May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
• March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
• March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
• February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
• February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
• September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
• September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
• "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
• September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
• August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
• August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
• August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
• August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
• June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
• June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
• May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
• May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
• "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
• March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
• March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
• March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
• February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
• February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
• December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
• December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
• December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
• July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
• May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
• May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
• March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
• March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
• February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
• February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
• January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
• December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
• September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
• September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
• July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
• "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
• "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
• "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
• March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
• January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
• December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
• November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
• October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
• August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
• August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
• July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
• June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
• May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
• March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
• February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
• December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.

• Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
• Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
• March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
• March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
• December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
• October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
• October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
• March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
• December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
• June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
• June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
  1. Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
     Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
  2. The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
     Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
  3. Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
     Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
  4. India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
     Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
• November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
• November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
• September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
• September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
• July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
• May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
• November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
• October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
• July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
• June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
• March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
• February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
• December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.

• April 2026, Research journal "Security Studies (vol8 no1) April 2026" (Examining Trump 2.0) in English edition was published.
• January 2026, Research journal "Security Studies (vol7 no4) January 2026" (Considering Russia after the Ukraine War) in English edition was published.
• October 2025, Research journal "Security Studies (vol7 no3) October 2025" (Pax China on the Horizon?) in English edition was published.
• July 2025, Research journal "Security Studies (vol7 no2) July 2025" (Studies on India from the Viewpoint of Japan's Security) in English edition was published.
• April 2025, Research journal "Security Studies (vol7 no1) April 2025" (Economic Outlook and Economic Security) in English edition was published.
• January 2025, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no4" (Where Is the US Headed under the Second Trump Administration- Analysis of the 2024 Presidential Election) in English edition was published.
• October 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no3" (What Will End the Ukraine War?) in English edition was published.
• July 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no2" (How Has South Korea Changed under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration?) in English edition was published.
• April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
• December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
• September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
• June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
• March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
• January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
• October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
• Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
• March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
• December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
• September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
• June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
• March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
• December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
• September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
• July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
• May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
• February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
• September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
• August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
• April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
• March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
• February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
• December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
• November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
• September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
• 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
• October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
• August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
• June 2017: Korean peninsla
• March 2017: President Duterte
• February, 2017: Kazakhstan
• November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.