SSDP

On Economic Security

Matake Kamiya

Introduction

Lately, in Japan, there has been increasing interest in economic security. In April 2020, an "economic division" was established in the National Security Secretariat, and in December of the same year, the Strategic Headquarters on the Creation of a New International Order, the Policy Research Council of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), released "Recommendations Toward Developing Japan's ‘Economic Security Strategy'" (from here cited as the "LDP proposal"). ¹ Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, who assumed the premiership in October 2021, created the new post of Minister in charge of Economic Security in his cabinet and started preparations for submitting to the Diet an economic security promotion bill, which was approved by the Cabinet on February 25, 2022. The Prime Minister has also expressed his intention to "firmly embed the concept of economic security" in the new versions of the National Security Strategy, the National Defense Program Guidelines, the Midterm Defense Buildup Program, and other documents, all of which are scheduled to be formulated by the end of 2022. ²

Before proceeding further, we must pause briefly to ask what economic security signifies. It is indisputable that economic security is a concept related to the "area" where security and the economy overlap. ³ Yet, agreement has not been reached to date on the most fundamental question: What is economic security? To implement economic security, who does what against what for what purpose? We must frankly admit that various related literature has "defined the meaning and image of economic security [respectively], but there is no identical image to share." ⁴

If this situation is left as it is, it will not only be problematic from an academic perspective but will also cause confusion in the formulation of Japan's economic security policy that will gain rapid momentum. This paper aims to mark a first step toward improving the current situation.

1. Definition of Economic Security

First, let us start considering what economic security is by reexamining the definition of security. In a very abstract sense, security can be defined as "an actor's efforts to protect some values irreplaceable to it from some threat by using some means." The specifics of the efforts --- "an actor" (Who protects?), "some irreplaceable values" (Protect what?), "some threat" (Protect from what?), and "some means" (Protect by what?) --- may vary depending on how one perceives each of these elements. Traditionally, security has in many cases been thought of as being centered on "a state's efforts to protect its territory, independence, and the lives and property of its citizens from military aggression by a foreign enemy through the exertion of military force." ⁵

What kind of security is economic security then? It stands to reason to think of it as a particular security case where economic factors get associated with any of the elements of the concept of security: "Who protects?" "Protect what?" "Protect from what?" "Protect by what?"

Recent arguments in Japan on "Who protects?" broadly agree that economic security is state efforts. Also, there is nearly unanimous recognition on what to protect by economic security --- "the territory and independence of a country and the lives and property of its citizens." For example, the LDP proposal states that economic security means "ensuring the … national interests from an economic perspective" and defines it as "ensuring Japan's independence, survival, and prosperity from an economic perspective." ⁶ "National independence, survival, and prosperity" can be construed to be the same as "the territory and independence of a country and the lives and property of its citizens." Kazuto Suzuki, one of Japan's eminent experts on economic security, defines economic security as "guaranteeing, through economic means, the security of life and property of the people and the preservation of national values." ⁷ Here, the "preservation of national values" can be understood to be synonymous with protecting national independence and survival because the independence of a nation sought by security efforts is not merely a formal one but unquestionably includes maintaining the core values and institutions of the nation, while dismissing interference from other countries. This is exactly what Masataka Kosaka meant when he once stated that the "goal of security" is to protect "the institutes, customs, and the system of common sense that make the Japanese people Japanese and Japan as it is." ⁸ It is apparent from the above what economic security protects, Suzuki and the LDP proposal alike envisage the independence, survival, and prosperity of the nation.

Thus, in the recent arguments on economic security, there is a unanimity of views on the two elements of "Who protects?" and "Protect What?" --- "a state protects its territory, independence, and the lives and property of its citizens." This perception is similar to the traditional concept of security described above. There is no room for economic factors to influence these two elements.

Then, if either of the other two elements of security concept --- "Protect from what?" and "Protect by what?" --- come under the influence of economic factors, does this immediately mean economic security? If so, which of the following is economic security --- "protecting a state's territory, independence, and the lives and property of its citizens from economic threats" or "protecting all of them by economic means"?

In Japan, many adopt the latter view. For example, the LDP proposal defines economic security as "ensuring Japan's independence, survival, and prosperity from an economic perspective"; Suzuki also argues that economic security is to guarantee the same "through economic means." Masanori Hasegawa also defines economic security as "economic means for achieving security." ⁹

However, there are two problems with this view because it seems to be too broad in scope in one sense and too narrow in another.

First, the view that economic security is an economic means for achieving security objectives is in a sense too broad in scope, if not loose, because it is hard to imagine for a state to exclude economic means in defending its independence, survival, and prosperity from some threat. Consequently, if we adopt this view, it will logically follow that every form of security includes some elements and aspects of economic security --- only to dilute the effectiveness of the concept of economic security.

Since it is questionable to regard economic security as economic means for achieving security objectives, we have no alternative but to consider it as "protecting national security from economic threats." Nonetheless, it is difficult to confine the means necessary to that end to economic means. It is apparent that to protect a country from economic threats, non-economic means are also indispensable in most cases. For example, to protect national security from economic threats, it is important to regularly build and maintain a relationship of trust with allies and partners, as will be elaborate later. This will claim diplomatic efforts that will go beyond the economic sphere. In addition, the protection of sea lanes is essential for the stable supply of energy, resources, food, etc. Undoubtedly, non-economic means are also necessary for this purpose. This is why I argue that the view of confining economic security to economic means for security's sake is unduly narrow.

In summary, economic security should be recognized as "a state's efforts to protect its territory, independence, and the lives and property of its people from economic threats by all necessary means that are predominantly but not limited to economic means." In other words, economic security is a state's effort to protect its national security from economic threats; the means required for this purpose are not economic ones alone.

2. Three Types of Economic Threats

What are economic threats against national security? First, it is imperative to note the diversity of economic threats. There are several types of economic threats and each type requires different measures to ensure security from it.

In the following, I would like to briefly discuss three major types of economic threats against national security.

The first type is the case where an accidental disturbance in the international economic system, not caused by deliberate actions of someone, has a negative impact on a national economy. From here, this will be referred to as a Type 1 economic threat. Among possible examples are: global crop failure due to extreme weather that seriously affects food supply; an economic disruption such as the Lehman Shock that negatively affects a national economy. Such incidents, not caused by a specific country, may appear as a grave threat to national security. Supply chain disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic are an economic threat of this type.

The second type is the case where the benefits that a country derives from economic relations with another country have a negative impact on the latter's economy and broader security. From here, this will be referred to as a Type 2 economic threat. For example, a certain country's economic relations with another country lead to the outflow of technology from the former to the latter, which may harm the former's economic competitiveness; or technologies leaked from one country to another are converted by the latter to military use, which may as a result hurt the former's security.

The third type is the case where a country uses its economic power to fulfill its design to undermine another country's economy and broader security. Specifically, the country uses its economic power to unleash malicious economic statecraft toward the target country. ¹⁰ Such will from here on be mentioned as a Type 3 economic threat. The most important source that empowers a country to take such action is the vulnerability arising from economic interdependence between the target country and the one taking action. What is particularly problematic about Type 3 economic threat is the risk that the target country's vulnerability stemming from economic interdependence with a hostile country may be manipulated by the latter, with negative consequences for the former's economy and broader security. To cite a recent typical example, since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been an increasing awareness among the Japanese people of the possibility that Japan's vulnerability due to its economic interdependence with China will be manipulated by the latter. ¹¹

Here we must note that all state-to-state interdependence does not uniformly produce Type 3 economic threats. The vulnerability of a particular country due to interdependence with a hostile one could be manipulated by the latter as a tool of economic statecraft, while interdependence with an ally or partner country is generally less dangerous in that respect. Rather, interdependence with a credible ally or partner may mitigate that particular country's economic vulnerability and also help the latter in countering the economic statecraft of its adversary.

3. Threat Types and Response Methods

The categorization of threats is vital because different response methods are needed to deal with different types of threats. For example, even the concepts of "strategic indispensability" and "strategic autonomy," ¹² which are core concepts in recent economic security debates in Japan, vary in effectiveness depending on the type of threat to address. Nevertheless, there seems to be a tendency that this point is not well acknowledged in the ongoing economic security debates.

First of all, to protect a country from Type 1 threats, it is necessary to create an economic system that is less vulnerable to any negative economic impact in the event of an accidental disruption of the global economic system. To this end, Japan must increase its "strategic autonomy" in what the LDP proposal calls "strategic core industries." Concurrently, however, it should also be kept in mind that the competitive pursuit of "strategic autonomy" by individual nations would lead to the loss of the positive aspects of interdependence that the international community has enjoyed to date, such as the increased global economic welfare beyond national borders. Curbing the excessive pursuit of "strategic autonomy," Japan must simultaneously develop and deepen interdependence with its allies and partners, especially, liberal democracies that share fundamental values and ideas. For this purpose, Japan must strengthen diplomatic relations with allies and partners from peacetime to ensure that they are mutually trustworthy and dependable countries for Japan in the event of a significant disruption of the international economic system.

Since Type 1 threats result from an accidental disruption of the global economic system, not caused by deliberate actions of someone "strategic indispensability" is not directly effective to deal with such threats. The maintenance of "strategic indispensability" is however significant in ensuring that allies and partners are credible in times of emergency. As is evidenced by the fact that in the immediate aftermath of the COVID-19 outbreak, many EU countries prioritized their national interests over the unity of the EU, in the anarchic international society that lacks a central government, there is no guarantee that a peacetime partnership will be fully functional in case of emergency. "Strategic indispensability" can help to reduce this concern. A country possessing hard-to-replace technological capabilities in a critical area is unlikely to be "betrayed" by other countries even in an emergency.

A typical Type 2 threat is an unexpected outflow of technology from a country, which may ultimately hurt that country's economy and broader security. Neither "strategic autonomy" nor "strategic indispensability" are of no use in protecting a country from this type of threat. Technology leakage could occur no matter how autonomous the country's economy is; technologies that are critical and hard to replace in the eyes of other countries are the most likely targets of technology theft. What matters in combating this type of threat are measures to make undesirable technology outflow hard to occur. Specifically, measures such as export controls, patent controls, and restrictions on the acquisition of companies by foreign capital will serve to prevent an unnoticed transfer of technology and know-how and its conversion for military use.

To address a Type 3 threat or a case where an other country unleashes malicious economic statecraft using its economic power, it is of the utmost necessity for a target country to decrease its economic and technological dependence on the adversary as much as possible, thereby reducing its vulnerability. To this end, it makes sense to enhance "strategic autonomy" and "strategic indispensability," but it should be recognized that this alone does not suffice and has limitations.

It is needless to repeat that in order for a country to reduce its dependence on a hostile one, the former must make efforts to increase "strategic autonomy," especially in the areas that the LDP proposal calls "strategic core industries." Nonetheless, it is not only almost impossible for any country to attempt to provide for its economic needs through self-help, but it is also undesirable because the country will lose benefits from economic interdependence, as mentioned earlier.

What is important here for a country is to develop and deepen interdependence with its allies and partners, especially those that share fundamental values and ideas, in order to reduce dependence on hostile countries. For this purpose, the country must strengthen diplomatic relations with those countries in peacetime.

If, in addition to reducing its dependence on hostile countries, a country can acquire technologies that are indispensable to them and thus can enhance its "strategic indispensability," the hostile countries will be dependent on that particular country for those technologies, and, as a result, it will be able to make it harder for the hostile countries to use their economic power to unleash economic statecraft against it. Even if that country cannot acquire "strategic indispensability" on its own, it may hold it collectively with trusted allies and partners. ¹³

Therefore, in facing Type 3 economic threats, too, it is crucial to foster trust with allies and partner countries in peacetime. Yet, as mentioned earlier, in an anarchic international society, it is uncertain whether allies and partner countries will behave as anticipated in case of emergency. Consequently, efforts to promote cooperation with allies and partner countries must be combined with the necessary amount of self-help. For example, with regard to "strategic indispensability," efforts to maintain it collectively are insufficient. Endeavors to hold on its own some technology deemed indispensable by other countries is also needed to be made.

In the formulation of Japan's economic security policies, which is expected to proceed rapidly, it should be kept in mind the need for a finely tuned response to each type of economic threat described above.

4. Necessity of Economic Security Policies Targeting Countries that Are Likely Sources of Threats

There is another thing to keep in mind when envisioning economic security policies. Apart from response to Type 1 threats, which are not intentionally brought about by particular countries, economic security policies should be formulated assuming that they are, as is the case with other security policies, directed toward countries that are likely to become the source of threats.

In the area of military security, the degree of threat posed to one country (A) by another (B) can be measured by B's "ability to attack" × B's "will to attack." Similar thinking needs to be applied to economic security when addressing Type 2 and Type 3 threats. When B emits those economic threats to A, the equivalent of the "ability to attack" is, in this case, B's ability to undermine A's economy and broader security; B's economic power chiefly constitutes that ability. On the other hand, the equivalent of the "will to attack" is B's intention or motive to use such an ability to compromise A's economy and broader security.

Any country should adopt economic security measures (policies) primarily against countries with the capability and the intent to adversely affect the former's economy and/ broader security. It is inefficient to formulate economic security policies in general terms without identifying such countries to be targeted at.

Fundamentally, any country directs its military security policy against another country that possesses both the capability and the intention to undermine the former's security. This is why Japan does not maintain military preparedness against US nuclear forces or ballistic missiles but takes measures against the nuclear weapons and missiles of China and North Korea. The same is true of economic security. It is useless for a country to direct its economic security policy toward countries unlikely to use their high economic power against it. Instead, the country should direct its economic security policy against those countries likely to use their economic power to unleash malicious economic statecraft against it.

In formulating its future economic security policies, Japan should be clearly aware of which country is a potential target of the policies, especially those designed to address Type 2 and Type 3 threats.

In Lieu of Conclusion: The Current State of Economic Security --- Japan Simultaneously Faces Two Different Waves

Japan is at present confronting two different waves of economic security threats at the same time. One of those waves is a Type 1 threat posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has a sweeping impact on the Japanese economy. The other wave is Type 2 and Type 3 threats emanating from China, which become increasingly alarming due to their being combined with the international economic turmoil brought about by the pandemic and with China's growing aggressive stance and behavior externally amid the pandemic.

As described earlier, when protecting national security from the three types of economic threats, responses will vary depending on the threat type. In Japan today, however, there is a tendency to discuss economic security without precisely distinguishing these three types of threats. Specifically, sufficient attention seems not to be paid to the fact that the effectiveness of "strategic indispensability" and "strategic autonomy" varies depending on the types of threats.

As mentioned above, it should be noted that Japan is currently facing a dual-impact from the two economic threats of different nature: (1) a pandemic that happens to have originated in China, not intentionally created by it, has suddenly brought about massive negative impacts on Japan's economy; and (2) amid the pandemic, the Japanese people have suddenly come to recognize the danger that China's deliberate economic activities may have significant negative consequences for Japan's economy and broader security. To be more specific --- supply chain disruptions caused by the pandemic fall into the Type 1 threat and are not caused by China. Amid such disturbances, however, Japan's overwhelming dependence on China for surgical masks, pharmaceuticals, and other products has come to light; the Japanese people have suddenly become aware that the country is in a state of "tight interdependence with a hostile country" for a wide variety of goods and technologies; the magnitude of potential risks associated with the interdependence has become apparent to the Japanese people. Presumably, this is why every type of economic threat is now discussed collectively as a China-related economic security problem.

Should the present analysis be cogent, this trend is not advantageous for Japan to formulate effective economic security policies. To "firmly embed the concept of economic security" in the new versions of the National Security Strategy, the National Defense Program Guidelines, the Midterm Defense Buildup Program, and other documents, Japan should begin with a clear recognition that as it is facing different types of economic threats to national security, it must work out a distinct set of policy measures to address each of the types.

(Professor, the National Defense Academy)

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  0. Front Cover
  1. Changes in the Security Environment Surrounding Japan - Shifting Power Balance and the Three Front Threats Ken Jimbo
  2. How Will "Japan Contingencies" Emerge? Osamu Onoda
  3. The Japan-US Alliance Revisited: Is it Dependable? Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki
  4. A New Phase of Defense Diplomacy and Defense Production and Technology Base Ippeita Nishida, Tsuneo Watanabe
  5. Intelligence Activities in the Post-Ukraine War Era Jun Nagashima
  6. Responding to the Nuclear Threat Masashi Murano
  7. No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities - Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland? - Ryoichi Oriki
  8. Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi
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• February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
• February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
• September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
• September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
• "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
• September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
• August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
• August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
• August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
• August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
• June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
• June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
• May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
• May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
• "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
• March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
• March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
• March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
• February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
• February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
• December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
• December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
• December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
• July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
• May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
• May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
• March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
• March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
• February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
• February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
• January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
• December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
• September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
• September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
• July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
• "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
• "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
• "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
• March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
• January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
• December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
• November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
• October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
• August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
• August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
• July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
• June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
• May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
• March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
• February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
• December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.

• Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
• Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
• March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
• March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
• December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
• October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
• October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
• March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
• December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
• June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
• June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
  1. Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
     Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
  2. The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
     Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
  3. Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
     Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
  4. India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
     Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
• November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
• November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
• September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
• September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
• July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
• May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
• November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
• October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
• July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
• June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
• March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
• February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
• December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.

• April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
• December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
• September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
• June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
• March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
• January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
• October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
• Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
• March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
• December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
• September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
• June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
• March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
• December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
• September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
• July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
• May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
• February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
• September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
• August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
• April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
• March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
• February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
• December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
• November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
• September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
• 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
• October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
• August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
• June 2017: Korean peninsla
• March 2017: President Duterte
• February, 2017: Kazakhstan
• November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.