Japan-ROK Cooperation: Not an Option but a Must
Chey Tae-won
Japan and South Korea are often said to be "near but distant countries" to each other. Although the two countries are geographically closest and share democracy and a market economy, unfortunately, the long-standing historical and political conflict is still a massive obstacle to the further development of the bilateral relationship.
Until now, this conflict may not have been a big problem. Thanks to the stable global conditions and the vibrant domestic economy, both nations experienced fast economic growth. However, about ten years ago, the growth model began to become unstable from its foundation. Japan and South Korea are now standing at a critical crossroads. Should we refuse to change and follow the path of decline? Or should we make a bold decision and move on a new path of leap-forward development? We are required to choose between the two options.
Last month, at the Japan-ROK Business Conference held in Tokyo and at the 29th Nikkei Forum "The Future of Asia," sponsored by the Nikkei Shimbun, I asked the question from the floor, "Is it okay for Japan-ROK relations to stay as they are? Isn't a new attempt needed?" What I wanted to convey by asking this question is the harsh reality before our eyes - "If we stay with folded arms, Japan and South Korea may perish together."
Both Japan and South Korea must change. I will later explain about this in detail. All that I want to say at the outset is that I believe a Japan-ROK partnership is the only strategy that could lead the two countries to sustainable co-prosperity.
Lately, we feel the winds of change blowing. Last year, the leaders of Japan and South Korea met for the first time in 12 years and resumed their shuttle diplomacy. Since then, the chill in bilateral relations has begun to ease gradually. During the past year, eight summit meetings took place, and all export restrictions lasting four years have been lifted. People-to-people exchanges have become active, with 10 million tourists traveling between the two countries last year. Their number is expected to further increase this year.
Numerous symbolic changes have occurred, but it is too quick to think everything is okay. For example, for about ten years from the late 1990s, the relationship between the two countries was at its zenith politically and culturally. Unfortunately, however, this did not last long. One reason seems to be that the trust between the people of the two countries was not fully grounded.
People around me are concerned about how long the current reconciliatory atmosphere will continue between the two countries. Both governments have reached significant political compromises, but cooperation tangible to both peoples have yet to bear fruit Opinion polls in both countries also suggest that mutual distrust remains inveterate. I do not think I alone worry about the possible deterioration of bilateral relations.
Now is the time to change our thinking. Japan-ROK cooperation is not a "choice" in the sense that it is "acceptable" but a "must" for both countries to survive. If we can empathize with why Japan-ROK cooperation is a "must" and not a "choice," I believe it will constitute a cardinal turning point in recognizing each other as "partners" rather than "competitors."
Then, what is the urgent situation that requires the two countries to cooperate?
First, both Japan and South Korea are caught in a low-growth trap. Labor, investment, and total factor productivity (TFP) are essential to economic growth, but all these elements continue to decline. In both countries, the birth rate is falling, and the population is aging. Japan's productive-age population has been declining since 2008, while South Korea's since 2020, creating a vicious cycle in which the population decline reduces consumption and investment. The declining birth rate and aging population are happening globally, but the speed of these phenomena is very high in Japan and South Korea. In addition, the low labor productivity of both countries also matters; it accounts for about 60-65% of that of the United States.
Secondly, the international free trade system that has long sustained the two countries' national growth is no longer effective. Today, the markets are divided by region, and competition is growing over smaller markets. In other words, the whole world is turning into a red ocean. Furthermore, as countries introduce protectionist policies and enforce their norms, compliance costs for export companies in Japan and South Korea are soaring.
Lastly, both countries, dependent on cheap and stable energy sources, must introduce next-generation new energy amid geopolitical conflicts and climate change. In particular, the AI revolution will likely cause a sharp increase in future electricity demand; concurrently, both countries must realize a decarbonized society―the challenge of dealing with two contradictory issues in parallel. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), electricity demand for global data centers is likely to rise to 1,050 terawatt-hours (TWh) in 2026, double that in 2022, or roughly the same size as Japan's annual electricity demand. As the cost of clean energy continues to rise, both countries that have depended on fossil fuels will likely be required to make more stringent efforts.
A paradigm shift is taking place, to address the question of which traditional methods no longer work. Can the two countries deal with this challenge on their own? Can they survive while regarding each other as competitors as they have so far? If things continue as such, both countries will see their financial resources shrink, and government fiscal policies will be limited. In particular, financial resources for welfare services to support the senior population will be affected. However, the government could not readily raise tax rates, because such measures could hurt the private economy and accelerate the outflow of capital and human resources. Japan and South Korea have allocated hundreds of billions of dollars to address the declining birth rate over the past 20 years. They need to look back on how much they have achieved. It is apparent that if the situation remains intact, the international status of both countries will decline.
Japan and South Korea have followed similar paths of national growth over a long period. Therefore, they are facing very analogous structural challenges. Wu and Yue are in the same boat―Fate has put us in the same boat. We must row together and use our wisdom to cross the river of crisis.
Again, why should "Japan and South Korea" join forces?
First, both countries' economic structures have shifted from a competitive relationship to a mutually complementary win-win relationship. Over the past six months, both countries' chambers of commerce studied the effects of trade liberalization, including the elimination of tariffs, between the two countries. The study showed that after three to five years, both countries would mutually benefit in the areas of GDP (South Korea 0.37%, Japan 0.14%), consumer welfare (South Korea $4.8 billion, Japan $7.8 billion), and industrial production (agriculture, manufacturing, and general services). This study is an analysis focused primarily on the elimination of tariffs. If we also factor in the potential synergy effects in core industries such as advanced technology, startups, and energy, the resulting economic impact would be significantly greater. If South Korea joins the CPTPP, Japan and South Korea can advance further cooperation with the economic zones across Asia through multilateral economic partnerships, including RCEP, IPEF, and CPTPP. Both countries will have more occasions to advance into third countries.
Secondly, the furtherance of bilateral cooperation will enable both countries to play the role of a "rule setter" from the viewpoint of economic security. As geopolitical conflicts become acute, supply chain stability is weakening, and protectionist trade barriers are increasing. If we are content with being a "rule taker" as before, this will be equal to ignoring potential risks. We should lead in creating rules, establish them as global institutions, and possess the power and resilience to deal with external risks.
The size of an economic zone in which a country is dominant is related to whether it can assume the role of a rule setter. If Japan and South Korea realized economic integration, a giant economic zone would emerge with a GDP of $6 trillion and nearly 200 million high-income earners enjoying more than $35,000 per capita. The shared values of both countries, such as the market economy and democracy, will act as a catalyst for further enhancing economic integration.
Third, bilateral economic cooperation will prevent the Japan-ROK relationship from reverting to the tragic past. It will also provide a powerful driving force to open a future-oriented path. Japan and South Korea share a historical past that cannot be erased. For this reason, if both sides fail to continue active efforts, we will be trapped in a vicious cycle of conflicts. The past few years of chilly bilateral relations have led to a sharp decline in trade, investment, and people-to-people exchanges, dealing an additional blow to the already weak growth momentum. Now, it seems that the people of both countries are well aware that we should not return to the past.
Of course, political efforts are necessary to overcome the historical question. However, trust between the two nations must also be restored. We must start by discovering areas of tangible cooperation and building success stories. After World War II ended, Germany and France established a framework for joint management of coal and steel (European Coal and Steel Community, ECSC); they transformed the vicious cycle of competition into a virtuous cycle of coexistence. Their efforts resulted in the forming of a larger community known as the EU. It took 40 years to establish the EU, but Japan and South Korea do not have that kind of time allowance.
I will also be specific on what cooperation Japan and South Korea should carry out.
Institutional integration, such as South Korea's accession to the CPTPP, is a significant step. However, this will take time because it involves intergovernmental negotiations for coordinating multiple interests. Therefore, I think that we should first achieve results at the private level. If we can gain public trust by doing so, I think that as a result, an atmosphere will appear that will help to expedite intergovernmental cooperation.
Specifically, let me propose the following three as priority areas of bilateral cooperation.
The first is the areas capable of creating business synergy. In this context, there are more than a dozen areas worth consideration, but if we narrow them down to a single field where Japan and South Korea could complement each other's weaknesses and maximize their strengths, LNG and clean energy (hydrogen, ammonia) will be a promising business point.
As for LNG, the shares of Japan and South Korea in the total global demand will likely decrease. In 2015, the share of the two countries combined was 46%, but by 2030, it will drop to 16%. Joint procurement is considered a way for Japanese and Korean companies to continue obtaining LNG at low cost. Since Japan's demand for LNG is estimated to decrease due to the resumption of its nuclear power plant operation, small- and medium-sized enterprises will have a keener incentive to participate in joint procurement. According to our research results, if Japan and South Korea jointly purchase LNG from a Middle Eastern supplier from which LNG is available at a low price subject to a long-term large-lot contract of 10 years or more, we could save 1.8% to 4.4% on the procurement price basis. For example, if we jointly procure both countries' demand of 20 million tons of LNG, of which the contracts need to be renewed by 2027, we can save about $500 million in procurement costs. Joint procurement of both countries' total demand of 100 million tons would give rise to $3 billion of procurement cost savings.
Hydrogen and ammonia businesses are even more promising. In traditional energy sectors such as LNG and oil, Japan and South Korea were obliged to remain rule-takers despite our enormous buying power. Meanwhile, the situation is different in the hydrogen and ammonia markets. These markets are yet to mature, and Japan and South Korea, as the largest importers, have a perfect chance to take the lead in building the market order. Expected clean hydrogen imports in 2035 by Japan and South Korea will amount to about 8 million tons, accounting for about 20% of the global clean hydrogen flow. There are many related areas in which the two countries could cooperate, such as joint procurement, joint development of suppliers, and setting new rules, to name just a few.
For example, Japan and South Korea run many small-scale coal-fired power plants, promoting ammonia co-firing power generation as a climate change countermeasure. If either of them were to set up a hub terminal for joint operation, they would not have to import clean ammonia separately. Large vessels could transport ammonia from the supplier to the hub terminal, and after bulk breaking, smaller ships could carry it to coal-fired power plants in both countries. According to our research, this means would create a maximum of $140 million in shipping cost savings as of 2030. Moreover, each importing firm could save on building storage tanks separately.
A step further would include establishing an international hydrogen and ammonia exchange. The hydrogen market is still in its early stage of development; many countries, including China, Germany, and the Netherlands, are rushing to establish exchanges. If South Korea and Japan, the leading actors in the market, were to establish an international exchange center, we could take the lead in reorganizing major normative systems such as clean hydrogen standards, technical standards, and price indexes. Inter-government cooperation is also crucial. Harmonizing the different clean hydrogen standards in the two countries would realize business involving diverse companies.
The second area is concerned with building an ecosystem for future generations. Unlike past generations who have navigated the growth curve, the young people of both countries are losing hope in a stagnant society. We, the current generation, must size up the market while building the grounds for the development and prosperity of future generations.
From this perspective, the creation of startup infrastructure is the most urgent challenge. Unfortunately, the entrepreneurial environment in Japan and South Korea is the most fragile one in the world. Looking at the number of unicorns with a corporate value of over $1 billion, there are only seven and 15 in Japan and South Korea, respectively, compared to 655 in the United States, 169 in China, and 52 in the United Kingdom. Fortunately, since last year, efforts have been underway at the governmental and private levels to align and integrate startup platforms. In May of this year, the Japanese and South Korean governments announced the establishment of a $100 million "joint startup fund," launching corporate venture capital (CVC) initiatives for matching private investors with numerous startup entrepreneurs. However, we should not be content only with the move in our countries. We should jointly foster startups in advanced markets like Silicon Valley in the United States.
Prerequisites for fostering startups include capital and the constant influx of talented people, who should be allowed to move freely. The period of working only in one place is now over. The future generation of experts, such as entrepreneurs, content creators, and IT engineers, are working as "digital nomads" moving from one place to another. This overlaps with the situation where so-called "workation (work + vacation)" has become a global trend since the spread of COVID-19. Japan and South Korea, with their top-tier tourism, transportation, medical, and ICT infrastructures, are perfect places for workation.
From this perspective, it is noteworthy that both Japan and South Korea recently introduced the "Digital Nomad visa," allowing overseas professional talent to stay for up to six months (Japan) to two years (South Korea) without obtaining a work visa. If the two governments jointly implemented "Digital Nomad visa" programs, it would further facilitate the exchange of talented people between the two countries and attract talent from third countries. If they can enter Japan and South Korea without difficulties and stay longer, it will stimulate production and consumption activities in both countries. In the long run, such population mobility will help address the issues of population aging and declining birth rate both countries are facing.
The last area for bilateral cooperation I want to discuss is response to the declining birth rate and aging population―social issues common to Japan and South Korea. Both countries define them as issues to address within the government policy framework, but this approach alone does not suffice. There are limits to government budgets, and companies also face significant difficulties in securing necessary talent.
To address the declining birth rate, Japanese and Korean companies may share their successful efforts because they have nurtured similar corporate cultures. Recently, some Korean companies have paid childbirth subsidies to their employees and the Korean government has exempted tax for them. This can be said to be a "win-win-win" case for government, companies, and employees. If the Japanese side has practicable examples to share, they may benefit the Korean side, and, if necessary, both sides may propose a joint policy to each other's governments.
We need to change our thinking by considering the aging population problem not as a "burden" but as an "opportunity." By using older people's capacity, we will likely overcome the labor shortage in both countries; there will be an opportunity to explore the silver economy. The rapid aging of the population is a global trend. Therefore, it is also an opportunity for Japanese and Korean companies to discover other promising markets related to the silver economy. There are chiefly two practical approaches to this end.
The first approach is to promote senior people's participation in economic activities. In Western Europe, employment standards for seniors have been changed from "age" to "ability" so that capable "active seniors" can continue to work. By raising or abolishing the retirement age, or introducing job-based employment such as re-contracting after retirement, those countries seek to ensure that institutional memory is wholly preserved and inherited within the company. Since the reform of the corporate employment system is bound to provide large social impacts, Japan and South Korea should study the strengths and weaknesses of the system, examine it as a whole, and make a proper decision on reform.
The second approach is to improve nursing care support for aged people. Japan has developed a home-care medical system to improve access to medical care for aged people who find it difficult to go out; Japan's experience and system would also benefit South Korea. I believe AI and robotics will be the key to future elderly care. Earlier this year, Goldman Sachs predicted that the development of AI would make humanoid robots a life technology following electric vehicles and smartphones. Many hope that the natural language processing capabilities of large language models (LLMs) will reach a high level, making it easier for the elderly to use various services such as finance, medical care, consumer goods, and public transportation. Since 2019, South Korea's SK Telecom has offered an AI speaker to as many as 17,000 senior people. Through this arrangement, the corporation provides a wide range of care services, from psychological counseling to emergency rescue services. More recently, I heard the news that an AI chatbot service for the aged would begin in Japan through cooperation between Japanese and South Korean IT companies. Conversely, Japan and South Korea, which suffer most from population aging, could offer suitable test beds for attempting various elderly-oriented technologies.
In summary, the areas where we can achieve results at the private level are, first, areas where business synergy occurs; second, areas for helping the development of future generations, and third, areas that contribute to resolving common social problems.
I have already said what I think on crucial subjects. However, to solve the current challenges, it is not enough to only recognize the issues as such and contemplate the areas where we can cooperate. We must delve into those challenges and build a framework to put solutions into practice. From this perspective, I would like to again propose a "ROK-Japan economic cooperation platform." Various stakeholders, including researchers and entrepreneurs from both countries, will participate in the platform, and a broad range of discussions will be held, from the selection of areas of cooperation for feasibility studies, third-country case studies, and developing concrete implementation plans. One of its missions will be to form a consensus from discussion results and submit policy recommendations to both governments.
Next year will mark the 60th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and South Korea. I believe that we are now at an important turning point for opening up a new horizon for Japan-South Korea economic cooperation. We must start preparing now so that both countries can celebrate the 60th anniversary full of hope.
(Chairman and CEO SK Inc.)
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- July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
- July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
- July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
- June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
- June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
- June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
- June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
- May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
- May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election-American Democracy Now-" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries-Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?-" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy-" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations-The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
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June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
-
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation -
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan -
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) -
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
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Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki?Project-Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films-" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- July 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no2" (How Has South Korea Changed under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration?) in English edition was published.
- April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
- December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.