The Russo-Ukrainian War and the British Response: 2014-2023
The United Kingdom has consistently been at the forefront of criticizing Russia's military actions since its unilateral annexation of the Ukrainian territory of Crimea in March 2014 and the subsequent military invasion of eastern Ukraine. Is there any particular background reason for this?
A key to understanding this is the fact that the United Kingdom, along with the United States and Russia, was a signatory to the Budapest Memorandum of Understanding dated December 1994, which stipulated the denuclearization of Ukraine and its accession to the NPT regime; the United Kingdom took the lead in that process. As a signatory to that document, the United Kingdom was to assume some responsibility for Ukraine's security. But Russia's forced annexation of Crimea and invasion of eastern Ukraine in 2014 meant that the United States and the United Kingdom, not to mention the aggressor Russia, failed to comply with their commitments to the Budapest Memorandum. 1
Predicated on this background, this paper is intended to discuss the almost 30 years of history of British involvement in Ukraine's national security following the end of the Cold War and British responses during the process of encroachment of Ukraine's territorial integrity—from Russia's forced annexation of Crimea in March 2014 to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in April 2022. This paper does not position the Russo-Ukrainian war as something that suddenly broke out on February 24, 2022, but as part of a series of conflicts and crises that have evolved since 2014 and discusses this topic from the perspective of changes in the European security regime after the Cold War.
As noted above, the United Kingdom is a signatory to the 1994 Budapest Memorandum. The document stipulates that, in exchange for the denuclearization of Ukraine (participation in the NPT regime), the nuclear weapon states—the United Kingdom, the United States, and Russia—should provide security assurances to Ukraine's territorial integrity and political independence. (France and China subsequently assured a similar agreement between them.) Thus, Russia's forced annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, its subsequent invasion of eastern Ukraine, and its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 were, therefore, violations of the Budapest Memorandum by Russia, while the signatories' failure to give assurances to Ukraine's territorial integrity and political independence highlighted their inability to abide by the relevant text of the memorandum. According to Steven Pifer, "when negotiating the security assurances," US officials stated "that, were Russia to violate them, the United States would take a strong interest and respond." 2 Consequently, unlike other countries, both the United Kingdom and the United States have a special responsibility, and especially, the United Kingdom, which took the lead in formulating the Budapest Memorandum and in denuclearizing Ukraine, assumes a grave responsibility.
1. From the Budapest Memorandum to the Annexation of Crimea (1994-2014): Search for a Constructive Relationship
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the overriding question that concerned the Western powers was how to deal with nuclear weapons deployed in the former Soviet states. Numerous nukes had been deployed in Ukraine; at the time of the Soviet dissolution, Ukraine was the world's third-largest nuclear weapon state after the United States and the Soviet Union.
In 1994, the then Ukrainian president Leonid Kravchuk demanded "billions of dollars" as "assurances" for Ukraine to transfer those nuclear weapons to Russia and "an American promise to treat an attack on Ukraine as though it were an attack on the United States." 3 He wanted security "guarantees" equivalent to those granted by the United States to its allies, which would deter Russia from attacking Ukraine in the future when Russia would become an expansionist power.
As a result of the negotiations, in exchange for providing such "guarantees," the nuclear powers of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Russia promised to provide "assurances" to Ukraine's (simultaneously Belarus and Kazakhstan's) territorial integrity and political independence in return for its acceding to the NPT. This was the so-called 1994 Budapest Memorandum. 4 The fact that the memorandum was a general declaration of "assurances" instead of legally binding "guarantees" Ukraine had sought after indicates that the US government was hesitant about military involvement to safeguard Ukraine. 5 However, due in part to some misunderstanding stemming from translation from English, the Ukrainian government felt relieved to have gained certain "assurances" from the United States and the United Kingdom.
Koichi Arai, a Japanese diplomat who was involved in this issue, criticizes in his article on the negotiation process, "The United States and other Western countries, while cooperating with Russia for the cause of safeguarding the NPT regime, hardly answered another important request of security guarantees for denuclearized Ukraine, only pressing the country to give up its nuclear weapons." 6 He further states, "This, coupled with Ukraine's ethnically complex, inflammable domestic situation, contributed to the complication of the Ukrainian nuclear issue." 7 It is noteworthy that as early as 1995, when Arai wrote this article, there were already concerns about whether Ukraine's security from Russia could be ensured in compensation for its abandonment of nuclear weapons." He warned, "Later in Russia, its great powerism began to revive, seeking to regain lost ground." 8
After the end of the Cold War, to develop cooperation between NATO and the former Soviet constituent countries, diverse initiatives came into existence, such as the Partnership for Peace (PfP), initiated in 1994 to build trust between NATO countries and the former Soviet constituent countries, and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), established in 1997 to build a comprehensive cooperative relationship with Russia. In other words, the formation of a "Europe Whole and Free" has been sought to ensure that NATO's eastern expansion should not threaten Russia and that Russia should also be given the right to say and join those institutional frameworks.
The 1997 NATO decision on eastward expansion and the 1999 accession to NATO of Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic were made and implemented in consultation with the Russian government. No decisive rift developed between Russia and NATO during this period. In the subsequent war on terror, coordination and cooperation between NATO and Russia continued to address global threats. Yet, after Russia's use of military force in the 2008 Georgia conflict and Russia's encroachment and invasion into Ukrainian territory in 2014, the relationship between NATO and Russia came to a decisive rupture. Since these Russian acts violated such agreements as the 1975 Helsinki Accords, the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, and the NATO-Russia Founding Act on Mutual Relations, it is natural for NATO to criticize those actions and to take a tough stance against Russia. Without Russia's use of military force, violation of territorial integrity, and unilateral scrapping of international agreements, the ensuing decisive deterioration of the relationship between the two sides would not have occurred.
2. Responses to the Ukraine Crisis Taken by the Cameron and Subsequent Administrations (2014-2021): Toward Appeasement
Russia's forcible annexation of Crimea and invasion of eastern Ukraine in March 2014 was the first attempt to change the national borders by military force in the post-World War II era, constituting the most critical challenge to European security. Facing such Russian military actions, however, NATO member states, which had maintained a policy of engagement with the country since the 1990s, took such an appeasing stance as to effectively tolerate Russia's move to change the status quo, in fear of the deterioration of their relationship with Russia and a military conflict involving NATO.
British Prime Minister David Cameron did not take a firm stand against Russia during the Ukraine crisis in 2014, thereby allowing the situation to progress as Russia desired. However, Cameron alone was not to blame; it was the outcome of the appeasement policy toward Russia also adopted by the political leaders of major Western countries at that time, including US President Barack Obama, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and Prime Minister Francois Hollande.
On the other hand, Cameron aptly expressed the magnitude of the impact of this event in his memoirs when he wrote that Russia ripped up the rule book Europe and the whole world had kept until the outbreak of war. 9 As the phrase "Russia ripped up the rule book" suggests, Russia, a permanent member of the UN Security Council with special responsibility for the peace and security of the international community, ignored international law and unilaterally changed existing borders through threats of force and false allegations. This Russian behavior is an act of destroying the very foundation of the "rule of law" in the international community.
Yet neither Cameron nor Obama took a hardline stance toward Russia at that time because, from 2008 onward, when the global financial crisis began, the UK and US governments prioritized restoring the domestic economy, focusing on the vital political issue of scaling back foreign military involvement and curtailing defense spending. In addition, for Cameron and Obama, strengthening relations with emerging economies such as China and India became significant for the economic growth of their countries. Therefore, Cameron stated in his memoirs that it was his goal in 2001 to establish some form of constructive relationship with Russia, one of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), taking into account its enormous economic growth and trade potential. 10
It was not only because of such growing economic opportunities that Cameron sought to develop constructive relations with Russia; with the advent of Dmitry Medvedev to the Russian Presidency in 2008, he hoped that Russia would make a more liberal and more internationally cooperative transition. Cameron also writes that he met Medvedev at the G8 summit in Canada and was invited to visit Moscow—Medvedev was eloquent, friendly, and well-adjusted to the interests and concerns of the West; that President Obama and the European leaders agreed to have finally gained a person with who they can or should work. 11 Such expectations toward Russia account well for the British government's failure to take a strong stand at the time of Russia's forcible annexation of Crimea in March 2014.
Cameron held a telephone discussion with President Putin on February 28, 2014, amid the emerging crisis over the Crimean peninsula. Taking advantage of his own relatively amicable relationship with the Russian leader, Cameron attempted to persuade him to take measures to prevent the situation in Crimea from worsening. The following conversation record remains: "The Prime Minister [Cameron] emphasized that all countries should respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. President Putin agreed, stressing that Russian military exercises in the area had been planned before the current situation in Ukraine." 12 Thus, President Putin orally informed Cameron that he had no intention of forcibly annexing Crimea and would not take military action. His inclination to deceive remains unchanged after eight years since then.
According to historians Anthony Seldon and Peter Snowdon, Cameron had three telephone talks with Putin in this period, which remain on record as follows:
Prime Minister Cameron: "Your relationship with us will face increasing difficulties unless you stop the aggression."
President Putin: "This is my backyard. The West has repeatedly humiliated me, over Libya, over Syria, etc., for the last ten years." 13
Thus, Putin's words reveal his belief in the sphere of influence concept in which Ukraine is his "backyard" as well as his anger against the "West" for "humiliating" him. Putin's use of the first person pronouns in his remarks suggests that he mixed state policies and initiatives with his personal thinking to make despotic policy decisions. In any case, Putin first tried to dispel Cameron's concerns by stating that he had no intention to take military action; yet, he viewed the neighboring countries from the perspective of his sphere of influence concept represented by such a word as "backyard"—a notion irrelevant in international law. It was a statement that seems to have foreshadowed Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.
Regarding this, Seldon and Snowdon note, "It is evident that Putin's reading of recent history is very different from theirs [Cameron et al.]. It is equally clear that having an enemy suits his domestic political interests very well." 14 As early as at this stage, it was no longer possible to reach a compromise or to foster trust between Russia and what Putin called the "West."
Seldon and Snowdon further criticize Cameron for not making sufficient diplomatic efforts to address the situation in Ukraine during this period, noting, "Cameron isn't willing to invest the time in foreign policy or to pick up the phone more to European leaders, above all Merkel." 15 Chief of the Defense Staff General David Richards also criticized Cameron, a proponent of liberal issues, for his inability to address such traditional questions as war and violence: "In Ukraine, as in Syria and Libya, there is a lack of strategy and statesmanship. The problem is the inability to think things through. Too often it seems to be more about the Notting Hill liberal agenda rather than statecraft." 16
Thus, during the March 2014 Crimean crisis, the British government failed to take the necessary actions and stood out for its appeasing stance toward Russia. Regardless of their responsibilities for Ukraine's territorial integrity and political independence, the United Kingdom and the United States could not adequately defend them.
Evidently, both the UK and US governments were aware of their responsibilities under the Budapest Memorandum; on March 5, 2014, at the height of the crisis, a meeting of the foreign ministers of the United Kingdom, the United States, and Ukraine was held. A joint statement from the ministerial meeting argued: "The Budapest Memorandum sets out the obligations of signatories in return for Ukraine giving up its nuclear weapons. Under its terms, the three parties commit to refrain from the threat or use of force against Ukraine's territorial integrity. The Memorandum also obliges the UK, US and Russia to consult in the event of a situation arising where the memorandum commitments are questioned." 17
Thus, when Russia forcibly annexed Crimea and invaded eastern Ukraine in March 2014, the reaction of the United Kingdom and other Western countries was restrained and appeasing, as if, in effect, they tacitly overlooked such an invasion violating international law. This led to Russia's full-scale military invasion eight years later.
By July 2014, in response to intensified Russian military aggression and pressure from the US Congress, the United States and the EU decided to impose economic sanctions against Russia, announcing the first round of sanctions targeting Russia's financial and energy sectors. 18 However, in January 2017, Donald Trump took office as US president and, eager to improve relations with Russia, increased criticism of NATO, contributing, as a result, to weakening the West's solidarity. In addition, discord in European nations surfaced; some EU member states began to call for lifting economic sanctions due to sanctions fatigue. 19 These elements were bound inevitably to limit the effect of the West's Russian policy. As American researcher Steven Pifer points out, on top of these elements, the Brexit decision following the outcome of the June 23, 2016 UK referendum resulted in further discord in the Western countries. 20 This meant that the EU could become more pro-Moscow with the departure of the United Kingdom, a signatory to the Budapest Memorandum, which had taken the lead in supporting the Ukrainian government until then.
In 2014, the British government began to be aware of the need to substantially shift its previous policy toward Russia, notwithstanding Cameron's restrained approach. The NATO Wales Summit in September 2014, chaired by the United Kingdom, decided on the two percent of GDP goal for defense spending, the creation of the Very High Readiness Joint Task Force (VJTF) under the NATO Response Force (NRF) to improve the rapid response capabilities of NATO forces, and, the strengthening based on these of NATO collective defense. 21 Furthermore, an "enhanced forward presence" was agreed upon at the July 2016 NATO Warsaw Summit—an attempt to deploy multinational battalions led by the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Canada in rotation to Central and Eastern European countries.
The enhancement of deterrence through NATO's collective defense and the strengthening of the Ukrainian national army—these efforts have, as a result, contributed significantly to providing Ukraine with capabilities of resistance and war continuation enabling the country to deal with the February 2022 crisis and to discouraging Russia from attacking NATO.
3. The Johnson Administration and Its Response to the Ukraine Crisis (2021-2023): Launch of a Hardline Policy Toward Russia
In February 2022, the British Prime Minister Boris Johnson took a different political stance toward Russia from Cameron's appeasing posture. Amid the economic difficulties resulting from Brexit, Johnson committed grave blunders in the initial response to Covid-19 and faced loud criticism for violating the law in the "Partygate" scandal. Nonetheless, Johnson showed sound judgment in response to Russia's aggression against Ukraine. He boasted of being the first world leader to "lead the way" in helping Ukraine, declaring, "Vladimir Putin must fail." 22
Since 2014, the British government has helped strengthen the Ukrainian national army and actively provided intelligence information to the Ukrainian government; since the outbreak of the recent war, it has provided tangible assistance in protecting the security of President Zelensky. 23 Among all the Western nations, the United Kingdom has been the most profoundly involved in Ukraine's security.
In contrast to the Cameron administration, which was led by the left wing of the Conservative Party on the occasion of the 2014 Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Johnson administration, led by the right wing of the same party, took an extremely hardline stance against Russia at the time of the February 24, 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. Johnson demonstrated his stalwart support for Ukraine by visiting Kyiv personally and inviting President Zelensky to address online the British House of Commons.
On February 24, 2022, the day the recent war began, Johnson, in his address to the nation, stated: "A vast invasion is underway by land by sea and by air. And this is not in the infamous phrase some faraway country of which we know little. We have Ukrainian friends in this country; neighbours, co-workers. Ukraine is a country that for decades has enjoyed freedom and democracy and the right to choose its own destiny. We—and the world—cannot allow that freedom just to be snuffed out. We cannot and will not just look away." 24
Obviously, Johnson's speech was conscious of one by Prime Minister Winston Churchill, the hero of World War II. Johnson had written a critical biography of Churchill; he may have overlapped his own role with Churchill's. 25
Not only Johnson but also Liz Truss, who served as Foreign Minister in the Johnson administration, criticized the Russian aggression in a more aggressive tone than Johnson. The populists Johnson and Truss tended to foster a bellicose atmosphere while, at the same time, emphasizing values such as democracy and freedom more than other politicians in the Conservative Party. Foreign Minister Truss stated, "Over recent weeks, the Russian government has repeatedly denied their hostile intent towards Ukraine. At the same time, they have massed troops, launched cyber-attacks, and staged false pretexts and provocations. Today, the Russian government has shown that it was never serious about engaging in diplomacy—focused only on deceit and furthering their territorial ambitions." 26
Conclusion: Toward a More Unclear Future
Thus, the British government has taken a more hardline stance toward Russia than the other G7 governments. This is a long-standing tradition of British diplomacy, and at the same time, it is an outcome of information gathering through the work of British intelligence in Russia.
Anglo-Russian relations decisively deteriorated after it transpired that the Russian government was involved in the 2006 poisoning in London of Alexander Litvinenko, a former Russian spy and a critic of the Putin administration. (The British government released an investigation report in 2016.)
In addition, the British Army's Special Air Service (SAS) is reportedly supporting Ukrainian troops behind the scenes and protecting the person of President Zelensky. The United Kingdom is in the closest cooperation with the current Zelensky administration and will likely continue to provide active support to the Ukrainian government.
As background for such active involvement of the United Kingdom in the Ukrainian crisis, we have pointed out that the British government, along with the United States, is deeply concerned with "assurances" to Ukraine's national security provided in the 1994 Budapest Memorandum. In this sense, the United Kingdom should be understood to assume some legal responsibilities, in addition to moral ones, for the current Ukrainian crisis.
Meanwhile, as in some quarters, we hear London called "Londongrad," many have pointed out that, especially, British Conservative Party members have profound connections with Russian funds. Those connections have, in a sense, been an obstacle to the British government's policy toward Russia. Consequently, despite Russia's violation of the Budapest "assurances" and of Ukraine's sovereignty (2014), the British Conservative government hesitated to impose harsh sanctions on Russia. This is, indeed, a "less glorious past." 27
It remains to see to what extent the West will be able to carry on its hardline sanctions against Russia and its stalwart support for Ukraine. Although the United Kingdom has already left the EU, it is still a core member of NATO, thus occupying a crucial position in determining NATO's policy toward Russia. In this sense, it may be relevant to focus on the British government's policy toward Russia and support policy for Ukraine.
(Professor, Keio University)
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- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.