US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup
Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The January 20 inaugural address of the new US President Joe Biden, in which he celebrated the triumph of American democracy and called for the unity of the people, reflected the difficult situation of division in the United States. His declaration, "We will repair our alliances and engage with the world once again," 1 also reflected the serious division between the world and the United States caused by the "America-first" policy in the Trump administration. The international community took this message seriously. Following Biden's inauguration, European Commission President Ursula Gertrud von der Leyen posted on Twitter, "America is back." Looking at the newly announced cabinet nominees and other political appointments, the Biden administration's foreign and security policies are likely to reflect the three elements outlined in his inaugural message: democracy and human rights; an emphasis on the environment; and measures to combat COVID-19. This paper will outline the Biden administration's lineup that will support its foreign and security policies and consider its future policy direction.
The harsh political environment in which the Biden administration finds itself
The political environment in which the Biden administration finds itself is harsher than that which awaited any of the previous administrations. The centrist Democratic Biden administration faces resistance from both the Republican Party and the left-wing faction of the Democratic Party and is also in too precarious a position to maintain power and to implement its policies without coordination with both of these groups.
First of all, the Republican Congress and many of its supporters do not perceive the Biden administration as legitimate because President Donald Trump left office claiming that the recent presidential election was fraught with fraud. According to the Washington Post-ABC News poll conducted on January 10-13, 2021, 32 percent of respondents said that Biden did not legitimately win the presidential election. Notably, 70 percent of Republican voters said Biden did not legitimately win. The Biden administration must prepare for a tough stance from Republican supporters and Congress. 2
In addition, there is a 50-50 split between Democrats and Republicans in the Senate --- Vice President Kamala Harris provides her party with a one-vote majority. The Democratic Party also holds a slim 222-211 majority in the House of Representatives. The Senate's approval is necessary for the appointment of government officials and for the ratification of treaties. The Republican Congress may exert a non-ignorable influence over foreign policy decisions, not to mention defense policy decisions in addition to debates on huge budgets.
On the other hand, support from the left in the Democratic Party was essential for Biden's victory in the 2020 presidential election. It has been pointed out that one of the reasons for Hillary Clinton's defeat in the 2016 presidential election was weak support from the Democratic left, which disliked her centrist stance. 3
President Biden is well aware of the political constraints imposed on his administration. His administration's appointments and policies take into account both the Republican Congress and the left in the Democratic Party. Thomas Wright, senior fellow and director of Center on the United States and Europe at the Brookings Institution, interviewed some people from Biden's transition team. According to Wright, after Biden defeated leftist candidates Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren to win the Democratic nomination in the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, Jake Sullivan, former National Security Advisor to the Vice-President, and Antony Blinken, former Deputy Secretary of State, coordinated with the leftist (progressive) faction of the Democratic Party. Since there were few leftist experts in foreign affairs and security at that time, the leftists seemed to have agreed to assume key positions in economic and domestic affairs in the incoming administration.
However, some of the leftists are increasing pressure on Biden's foreign policy and security teams, thereby wielding their influence over US policies toward China, Iran, and military spending reduction. On the other hand, the Democratic left, which is domestic politics-oriented, seems to be concerned about the decline in the world of democracy and believe that such a tendency must halt. 4
China hard-liners and the pro-alliance group are at odds over US foreign and security policy toward Asia
On November 23, 2020, Biden announced the nominations of two of his closest aides, Blinken and Sullivan, as, respectively, Secretary of State and National Security Advisor. Both of them are confidants who know the policy orientation of diplomatically experienced Biden, who served three times as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and was Vice President of the United States for eight years. The media described Blinken as Biden's alter ego. 5
Biden, born in 1942, is a centrist Democrat and a realist who emphasizes power elements in foreign policy. Biden's two aides share this realism. Blinken (b. 1962) and Sullivan (b. 1976), who belong to generations much younger than Biden's, are more keenly aware of the challenges posed by China than Biden, who gained experience during the Cold War.
Sullivan has created a new position in the presidential National Security Council (NSC), which will report to him; the Coordinator for Indo-Pacific has been instituted above the Senior Director for Asia, a position which has so far been head of Asia policy. Kurt Campbell, who led the "Pivot" Policy (later renamed the Asia Rebalance Policy) as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs under the Obama administration, has been appointed to the new position. This appointment is believed to aim at mitigating the concerns of Japan, South Korea, and other allies in Asia that the pro-European President Biden and incoming Secretary of State Blinken might focus on the Russian threat or European allies and neglect Asia. 6
Sullivan and Campbell share a hard perception of China, which is associated with their emphasis on allies. A paper they co-authored offers a frank statement that to date the US engagement policy with China has been a mistake. Replacing the Cold War policy of "containment," the US engagement policy toward China aimed to: tolerate China's economic development and integrate the country into the international community; encourage China to respect international rules and democratic values, and in the long run, anticipate the democratization of China's political system. They point out that "the basic mistake of engagement was to assume that it could bring about fundamental changes to China's political system, economy, and foreign policy." 7 In this regard, they share the same perception as the Trump administration's Secretary of State Pompeo, who pointed out the failure of the US engagement policy toward China in his speech delivered at the Nixon Memorial Library in July 2020. 8 Sullivan and Campbell also criticize the Trump administration's neglect of allies in Asia, arguing that the "United States needs to get back to seeing alliances as assets to be invested in rather than costs to be cut." 9
In a paper titled "China has two paths to global domination" that he co-authored with Hal Brands, professor at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Sullivan examines China's two approaches to global hegemony, arguing that the United States could frustrate those approaches through the network of US allies, especially close allies like Japan, which neighbors China across the sea. 10
Rush Doshi, director of the Brookings China Strategy Initiative, and Laura Rosenberger, a senior fellow at the German Marshall Fund (GMF), were appointed as directors for Asia at the NSC under Sullivan and Campbell. 11 Doshi, in a joint paper with Campbell, proposed that the United States should curb China's military adventurism by rectifying the power balance between China and other Asian countries tilted heavily in China's favor. 12 In a joint Newsweek op-ed with Julianne Smith, director of the Asia and Geopolitics Programs at German Marshall Fund (an expert on Europe who served as Deputy National Security Advisor to Vice President Biden), Rosenberger warns of China's growing influence in Europe, especially Eastern Europe, as US-European relations are deteriorating under the spread of COVID-19. 13
Former Deputy National Security Advisor to Vice President Ely Ratner, Vice President and Director of Studies at the Center for a New American Security (CNAS), has been appointed special assistant to the Secretary of Defense. Ratner is known as a China hard-liner. He will be a chief advisor to the new Secretary of Defense Austin, who has little experience working in Asia.
Former Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman, who served as North Korea policy coordinator in the Clinton administration and worked on the comprehensive nuclear agreement with Iran in the Obama administration, has been nominated as Deputy Secretary of State. This nomination of Sherman presumably takes into account not only negotiations with Iran over nuclear weapons but also the threat of North Korea's nuclear development.
Warning and restraint from the left in the Democratic Party
The left-wing faction of the Democratic Party is alarmed by the appointment of such China hard-liners who will dominate the new administration. The leftists are not necessarily pro-China, but they are critical of China's human rights abuses and suppression of democracy. Nonetheless, they are wary of the escalation of the military confrontation between the United States and China, which would lead to an expansion of military budgets and tighten budgets for health care and social welfare. Consequently, the leftists have opposed the appointment of security experts tied closely to the military industry.
For example, former Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Michèle Flournoy, a promising candidate for Secretary of Defense, wrote in her journal article that the United States should dispel doubts about its intentions and capabilities to deter China and that in addition to investment in military capabilities, the United States needs to emphasize its enduring presence in the Indo-Pacific and strengthen relations with its allies and partners. 14 Her argument coincides with the perceptions of Biden's diplomacy and security team mentioned above. In the end, however, President Biden nominated former US Central Command Commander Lloyd Austin III, who has no experience in Asia, to be Secretary of Defense instead of Flournoy.
President Biden responded to the demands of the Black Caucus by appointing for the first time a black man to the head of the Pentagon, showing some consideration for the concerns of the leftists. In a journal article, Biden praised Austin's ability to have carried out the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq as commander-in-chief of US forces in Iraq, anticipating that his experience as a military logistic expert will be helpful for the distribution of COVID-19 vaccines in the United States. 15 Perhaps Biden's "personal relationship" with Austin was also a vital factor: his eldest son Beau, who was later to die of illness at the age of 46, served under Austin while being deployed to Iraq. On January 22, the Senate approved Austin's appointment as Secretary of Defense, the first black in American history to serve as Secretary of Defense. This appointment is an example of how President Biden has considered the pressure from the Democratic left.
Emphasis on climate change and pandemic control
President Biden has brought to the center of his foreign policy agenda a policy issue, on which the centrist and the leftist can agree --- climate change response. Biden nominated Gina McCarthy, who served as EPA Administrator under Obama, to head the newly created Office of Domestic Climate Policy in the White House as the first White House National Climate Advisor. President Biden has thereby created an organization in charge of climate change that stands side by side with the National Security Council in charge of diplomacy and security and the National Economic Council responsible for economic policy. This is a move to place an unprecedented emphasis on climate change.
On his first day in office, President Biden signed a presidential executive order to rejoin the Paris climate agreement, from which the previous Trump administration had withdrawn the United States, and appointed former Secretary of State John Kerry as the Presidential Envoy for Climate Change. This is a policy measure aiming to appeal to the European countries and the leftists in the Democratic Party. Both of them place importance on climate change.
The fight to control the COVID-19 outbreak, the most significant domestic problem for the Biden administration, is also a vital issue in its foreign and security policy agenda. On his first day in office, President Biden signed a presidential executive order to advance the process for rejoining the World Health Organization (WHO), from which President Donald Trump announced US withdrawal. President Biden has also reinstated the Global Health Security and Biodefense Division at the National Security Council, which the Trump administration abolished in May 2018. Elizabeth Cameron, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for Nuclear, Chemical, and Biological Defense Programs, who helped launch that division during the Obama administration and authored the NSC's pandemic playbook, was named senior director in charge. 16
Diplomatic emphasis on democracy and human rights
In his inaugural address, President Biden declared the triumph of American democracy and his determination to continue to defend democracy, noting that Congress and the judiciary had rejected former President Trump's baseless attempt to overturn the presidential election results. At the same time, he expressed his will to repair relations with US allies and engage with global issues. It is a message not only addressed to American citizens. While asking democratic allies and partners for cooperation, the message articulated US opposition to China and Russia, which deny democratic values and try to expand their influence in the world.
This political agenda-setting will appeal to the Democratic left concerned about the possible expansion of defense spending favored by Biden's pragmatic foreign and security team because the left in the Democratic Party is, as mentioned above, apprehensive about the ebbing of democracy in the world.
The Biden administration has appointed Shanthi Kalathil of the congressionally funded National Endowment for Democracy as Coordinator for Democracy and Human Rights at the National Security Council. In the Department of State, President Biden nominated Uzra Zeya, former Acting Assistant US Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, to be Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, and Samantha Power, former US Ambassador to the United Nations, to be Administrator of USAID. 17 Those who are politically liberal but support US military intervention in favor of human rights and democracy are called "liberal hawks." Samantha Power is a prime example. President Biden has nominated former NATO ambassador Victoria Nuland for Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, the third-ranking position in the Department of State. Nuland is also a "liberal hawk." Liberal hawks are said to be close to neoconservatives who legitimize US armed intervention to achieve democratic values; in fact, Nuland's husband is neocon commentator Robert Kagan, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution.
Revitalization of American diplomacy and functions of the Department of State
The Trump administration downplayed traditional diplomacy practiced by diplomats. For example, in the two unsuccessful US-North Korea summits, President Trump sought, above all, for outcomes advantageous to his reelection and continued diplomacy with little prospect for success and neglected professional diplomats. The Biden administration seems to be considering, as an antithesis to the Trump diplomacy, reinstating traditional diplomacy and the prestige of the Department of State, taking into account the wishes of progressives in the Democratic Party, who are wary of an expansion of the military budget.
John Finer, who served as Vice President Biden's speechwriter, has been appointed as Principal Deputy National Security Advisor. He concluded in his recommendations on the revitalization of the Department of State prepared for the Council on Foreign Relations that "diplomacy remains the best tool the United States has to advance its foreign policy interests." 18
Although the Trump administration reduced the number of Deputy Secretaries of State from two to one, Biden has decided to have two deputies to Secretary of State as in the Obama administration. In addition to Deputy Secretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman, the Biden administration, therefore, has appointed Brian McKeon, former Principal Deputy Undersecretary for Policy (earlier Deputy National Security Advisor to Vice President Biden), as Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources. This nomination aims at leveraging the Department of State.
Brett McGurk, a former Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL, has been appointed as Middle East Coordinator at the NSC. He was in charge of Middle East affairs since the Obama administration through the Trump administration but resigned in opposition to President Trump's unilateral call for the withdrawal of US troops from Syria. 19 An early withdrawal of US troops from Syria, which would have endangered the US-allied Kurdish armed forces and would have damaged the trust to the United States of its allies around the world, led to the resignation of the then Secretary of Defense Mattis. The appointment of McGurk may represent an antithesis to the failed "Trump diplomacy" that disregarded the voices of allies, overseas US troops, diplomats, and the Department of State.
Viewing the appointments made by the Biden administration, the feature and direction of its foreign and security policies can be summarized as follows. First, President Biden is attempting to strike a balance between the Republican Party, which is influential in Congress, and the leftist faction of the Democratic Party that he cooperated with in the presidential election, thereby leading to his centrist, pragmatic policies. To this end, he has placed in key government positions those people who have gained Biden's trust through working closely with him as his aides during his long political career.
President Biden is also trying to revitalize American diplomacy by emphasizing the functions of the government bureaucracy, especially the Department of State, which was at the mercy of President Trump's self-righteous foreign and security policies in the Trump era. His efforts in this direction take into account pressure from the Democratic left, which is wary of expanding defense budgets. They also aim at mitigating the concerns of the international community, especially US allies, about the America-first policy in the Trump era. President Biden has also placed climate change policy, which will enlist the support of the left in the Democratic Party and the European allies, at the center of his energy and foreign policy. His expert recruitment of staff and steady policy direction owe much to his long political career. But the harsh political environment surrounding his administration also obliges Biden to recruit his staff members and adopt the policy direction as he has done.
- January 2022, "The 2022 South Korean Presidential Election and the Next Administration's Foreign and Security Policy" written by Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- January 2022, "North Korea's Nuclear and Missile Development and Japan's Defense" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, GRIPS
- January 2022, "What will Become of Japan-South Korea Relations? The 1965 Japan-South Korea Treaty System in Jeopardy" written by Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- December 2021, "Economic and Social Conditions in North Korea and its Relations with South Korea" written by Mitsuhiro Mimura, Chief Research Fellow, The Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia.
- December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
- December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shunji Hiraiwa, Professor, Nanzan University.
- December 2021, "What to Do with the Relations with North Korea?" written by Hitoshi Tanaka, Chairman for Institute for International Strategy at the Japan Research Institute.
- October 2021, "Strategic Implications of North Korea's Enhanced Nuclear and Missile Capabilities" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- October 2021, "The Biden Administration's North Korea Policy: Its Low Priority and Looming Crises" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- October 2021, "The Evolution of the US-ROK Alliance: Tasks in the Biden Era" written by Yasuyo Sakata, Professor, Kanda University of International Studies.
- September 2021, "The Development of Regional Security Architecture: From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific" written by Ken Jimbo, Professor, Keio University.
- September 2021, "The Strategic Development of Japanese Security Cooperation under Superpower Competition and the Development of the FOIP and its Operationalization" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo.
- August 2021, "Security Perceptions of Central Asian Countries--- From the Perspective of China Studies ---" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
- August 2021, "Security in the Indian Ocean Region---Implication of the Galwan Incident for QUAD in the Indo-Pacific" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao, Fellow (Non-Resident), Hudson Institute.
- August 2021, "Easternization and Security in Asia" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- July 2021, "The Ideas of "Autonomy" and "Self-Reliance" in Contemporary India's Foreign Strategy" written by Kazutoshi TAMARI, Associate Professor,Chukyo University.
- July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
- July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
- July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
- June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
- June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
- June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
- June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
- May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
- May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.