An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election
－American Democracy Now－
(A lecture at the 29th SSDP discussion session on December 10, 2020)
Professor, the University of Tokyo
1. Trump's America
Looking at the trends in President Trump's approval/disapproval ratings, the disapproval rating is consistently high (50 or so %), but the disparity with the approval rating is not large (around 10%). Trump's approval ratings by party are as follows: Republicans: about 90% (94% just before the election); independent voters: in the 30% range; and Democrats: almost single-digit (4% just before the election, which may round to zero). A radical polarization is clearly unfolding. 1 Trump's approval rating has remained unusually consistent since he took office, with the smallest gap between his highest and lowest approval ratings (9%) compared to those of his predecessors (16%-65%). Trump's highest approval rating is 47%, which is anything but high, but his approval rating has never dropped below 38%. This fact indicates that he has bedrock support. Generally speaking, during the honeymoon period following inauguration, any of the past presidents' approval ratings usually rose to 60%-80%. In Trump's case, however, his approval rating was 47%, suggesting that many people thought Trump was unfit from the outset and that he failed to cultivate his supporters. There are many reasons for this, including his public and private confusion, ethical problems, and inaccuracies in his statements.
2. Reviewing the Trump Administration
According to PolitiFact.com (a website that verifies the credibility of politicians' claims), almost 70% of President Trump's statements are "mostly lies," "lies," or "outright lies." The Washington Post reports that in his first 100 days in office, Trump lied an average of five times a day; over 1,267 days in office, he lied an average of 15 times a day. Besides, Trump broke or ignored precedents and practices of the US presidency:
- Refusal to release his tax returns (released since President Ford)
- Ignoring conflict of interest rules (followed since President Nixon)
- Running a for-profit business (avoided since President Johnson)
- Appointing his family members to senior positions in the administration (avoided since President Johnson)
- Benefiting his family by pork-barreling (avoided since President Grant)
The 2020 presidential election focused on whether or not to re-elect the incumbent. Voters judged what President Trump had done or failed to do during the four years of his administration. In defiance of Democrats' discontent, Trump "conservatized" the Supreme Court and the federal courts and implemented large-scale tax cuts. These were, from the Republican point of view, groundbreaking. Republicans also endorsed the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement.
- Withdrawal from the TPP
- Conservatization of the judiciary (appointing Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett as Supreme Court judges)
- Airstrikes in Syria
- Withdrawal from the Paris Agreement
- Recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel (The Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 on the relocation of the US Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem)
- Trump tax cuts (mainly corporate tax cuts)
- Hard-line trade policy (tariffs on steel and aluminum imports, tariffs on Chinese imports, the commencement of negotiations on Japan-US Trade in Goods Agreement, etc.)
- Ban on entry from five Muslim countries --- The administration won the case in June 2018 after losing twice in lower courts. The Supreme Court upheld the ban by a vote of 5 to 4. It also endorsed a ban on the entry of officials from North Korea and Venezuela.
- Withdrawal from the Iran nuclear agreement
- Withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty
- Promotion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Israel and the UAE, Bahrain, and Sudan
- Repeal and reform of Obamacare
- Construction of a wall on the US-Mexican border
- COVID-19 countermeasures (more than 280,000 deaths)
- An unemployment rate of over 10% and the worst negative economic growth in postwar American history
3. The 2020 US Presidential Election
The US economy had been strong until February 2020; the unemployment rate of 3.5% in February 2020 meant full employment, the best figure since 1969. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, President Trump planned to go into the election depending on that strong economy. The most popular interpretation is that Trump would have won re-election if the COVID-19 pandemic had not happened. However, it is noteworthy that Trump's approval rating has not changed much from before the spread of COVID-19 through after its outbreak. It is conceivable that he could not have won re-election with ease even if COVID-19 had not hit America.
We should also recognize the difference between the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections. Some corrections were made to the polling methodology used to predict the election result, which was problematic in 2016 --- e.g., correcting for underestimates of white, undereducated voters. In conclusion, however, those corrections were still insufficient; a miscalculation of as much as 10% was reported this time for the results in Wisconsin. In 2016, Trump was a rookie candidate; he was able to over-advertise and talk about his dreams. Since, this time, he had to be re-elected as the incumbent, different factors came into play, such as his track record over the past four years, whether he is fit to be president, and whether he can be trusted to govern for another four years. Trump indeed received more than 70 million votes, the largest number so far that a Republican presidential candidate ever received. But it should also, significantly, be noted that Biden won more than 80 million votes.
In 2016, the Democratic Party attempted to win three presidential elections in a row. But it is difficult indeed for the same party to win three consecutive presidential terms, the most recent case was in 1988, and before that it was back in 1948. Therefore, the Democrats had, in a sense, to fight handicapped. It was also the case that Hillary Clinton was more disliked than Joe Biden. If a presidential election depends on a small margin, these factors cannot be ignored. Looking at the approval ratings of the 2016 presidential candidates, Clinton's was generally higher than Trump's, but Trump's surpassed Clinton's from time to time --- which means that Trump had a chance to win if the timing was right. In 2020, however, Biden consistently maintained a higher approval rating than Trump. 2
A graph ("Support in 2020 and shift from 2016") in the Washington Post's article "Why Trump is Losing" (October 9, 2020) shows that Hispanic Catholics on the whole support the Democratic Party, but have shifted significantly toward the Republican Party compared to 2016. The same is true for black Protestants, black women, and Hispanics (in order of increasing shift). Atheists, on the other hand, are predominantly Democratic; they have shifted significantly from Republican to Democratic support compared to 2016. White Catholics, married men, and white men with no degree, who support the Republican Party as a whole, significantly shifted their support to the Democratic Party in 2020 (in order of increasing shift). An overall shift to the Democratic Party took place in 2020.
According to a preliminary estimate of the 2020 presidential election, 40% of voters absolutely support Trump, while at the same time, 45% absolutely disapprove of Trump and 15% are undecided. 3 In terms of unlikeability, Hillary Clinton was more disliked than Biden among Democrats, Republicans, and independent voters. Especially her unlikeability among independent voters was about 20% higher than among other groups of voters. It is interesting to look at the reasons for support. In the case of Trump, the top reasons for support were leadership/performance and policy positions, while as for Biden, the overwhelmingly top reason for support was "He is not Trump." 4 The recent presidential election was an election in which people expressed their dislike for Trump. In the meantime, the positive support for Biden is not robust. In 2008, young voters admired Obama's vision and rhetoric. The situation is quite different this time. How many voters can properly answer when they are asked about Biden's vision?
When asked about the most vital issue in deciding whom to vote for president in the 2020 presidential election, Democratic supporters answered the COVID-19 outbreak, followed by race relations. Republican supporters overwhelmingly prioritized the economy --- only 4% of them chose the COVID-19 outbreak. 5 This difference in priorities and values shows the division of American society. And this has been accelerated by the media: CNN and NSNBC repeatedly report that the COVID-19 crisis is a grave problem, whereas FOX emphasizes illegal immigrants and rampant black protests. Voters see only the coverage that suits them, a phenomenon that is increasingly widening the gap between their values. This explains that when the Trump campaign held massive face-to-face rallies, his supporters cared nothing for mask-wearing.
When it comes to the size of the election campaign fund that is closely related to the campaign method, the Biden campaign overwhelmed the Trump campaign in the last six months. Yet, we Japanese TV viewers were often impressed with the Trump campaign's enthusiastic large rallies, while seeing Biden give speeches from a car in parking lots, with a small audience and little appeal. Many Republican supporters went door-to-door for support. The fact is that although Democrats did not hold large rallies and only went door-to-door on a modest scale, they, backed by their large campaign fund, concentrated on TV and SNS advertising. As a result, Japanese TV viewers watched mostly Trump's election campaigns.
In 2017, as part of its re-election strategy, the Trump campaign spent an enormous sum of money in promoting voter registration drives in the areas where white high school graduates, who form a primary support base for Trump, live. This sound campaign strategy seems to have been quite fruitful. Republicans rather than Democrats acquired a larger number of newly registered voters during the recent election campaigns. This may be a reason why Trump received more than 70 million votes this time. On the other hand, Democrats gained a lot of votes thanks to mail voting.
To summarize Trump's re-election strategy, the first thing he did was to call for the reopening of the economy and schools. It was aimed at business owners, the unemployed, libertarians, and religious conservatives. The second thing he did was to criticize riots and looting by blacks, to subdue them Trump mobilized federal troops and federal law enforcement officers. The third was to beat up on China, with frequent reference to the origin of the coronavirus and the Hong Kong issue; four senior government officials made a series of speeches criticizing China. The fourth was to appoint conservative judges to the US Supreme Court.
4. Analysis of the 2020 Presidential Election Results
According to a joint exit poll conducted by US media, a 2016-2020 comparison of votes cast for Trump is as follows: those of men decreased 10%, those of white non-college graduates decreased 8%, and those of both the young and the elderly also substantially decreased, indicating a shift away from Trump. 6 On closer inspection, the ratio of male to female voters was 48% and 52%. More men voted Republican, and more women voted Democratic. This is no different than in the past. What is unique with the 2020 election compared to the 2016 election is that 41% of the white vote (accounting for 67% of the overall voters) was for Biden. This 41% is higher than the 37% in 2016 and 39% in 2012 of the white vote for Democratic candidates, although voting for Trump in 2016 is higher at 58%. As for high school graduate whites (a large group of voters accounting for 35% of the overall voters), 67% of them voted for Trump while 32% for Biden this time; this 32% is, however, up considerably from 28% in 2016 --- then Trump also scored the same percentage. These facts indicate that Trump has maintained his base of support, but failed to enlarge it, which means that Biden has prevented him from doing so.
As a whole, Biden's victory was due primarily to the overwhelming criticism of Trump, and also to a higher degree of unity within the Democratic Party, for criticism of Biden from the left was much weaker than that of Hillary Clinton in 2016. Among the other reasons may be the large funds the Democratic Party possesses, effective TV ads, and the fact that the party has regained the white vote, especially the white, less educated vote.
5. Changes under the Biden Administration
An important factor in predicting policy changes under the Biden administration is the outcome of the runoff election for the two Senate seats for Georgia, which will take place on January 5, 2021. Whether Democrats win both seats and take control of the Senate or lose even one and lose the Senate majority to Republicans will make a vital difference in the future policy changes under the forthcoming Democratic administration. In the House of Representatives, Democrats maintained their majority but lost about ten seats in the recent House elections. Any party, Republican or Democratic, that won the presidential election increased in most cases the number of seats in the House at the first elections that followed the presidential election. Assuming that Democrats lose 11 seats this time, their share of House seats will reduce by 4.7%, the second-worst figure in the history of the House elections since 1920. 7 A new president will depend heavily on victory in the House elections for his leadership, especially within his party. In this sense, Biden has not established his leadership in the period prior to his presidency. Even if Democrats could win their majority in the Senate, the Biden administration would have a hard time implementing its policies when a member or two does not follow party lines because there is no party discipline in the United States. It would be difficult for the Biden administration to pass such policies as universal health care and the Green New Deal advocated by the left-wing of the Democratic Party. On the other, the right-wing of the Republican Party is talking about large-scale tax cuts and deregulation, which will never pass the Democratic-dominated House. The ruling and opposition parties will likely be at odds with each other over the national budget. The government may face such difficulties as the closure of government offices. Ultimately, a compromise may be reached over moderate economic stimulus measures.
Biden is so far reticent on diplomatic issues. He will adopt policies to stabilize the Japan-US alliance and US relations with NATO. The Biden administration will be less confrontational toward China. Overall, the US image in the world will improve. Since measures to reverse global warming will be an essential policy of the new administration, the United States will return to the Paris Agreement. Biden will also attempt to return to the Iran nuclear agreement, but the hurdle is very high. It will also be difficult for the Biden administration to have the US return to the TPP approved by Congress. Sanders and other leftists may exert influence to drastically curtail defense spending or to restrict presidential war powers.
6. Trump's America --- American Democracy Now
Trump did not come out of nowhere. A background of intense partisan conflict already started in the 1970s. The degradation of political discourse is also related to a pursuit of scandals during the past presidential elections. Arguably, the intensification of partisan conflict in Congress has its origin in Gingrich in the 1990s or the rejection by Democrats of conservative judicial appointments at the end of the 1980s. The Tea Party movement that came on the scene before Trump was responsible for the degradation of political discourse. However, Trump has degraded political discourse on a scale not seen before. He has continued to fabricate statements that are extremist, unrealistic, and false. In particular, Trump has squarely challenged political correctness (the use of politically and socially fair language to prevent discrimination and prejudice based on gender, race, ethnicity, etc.). He gave rise to a situation where some people strongly oppose him while others feel a strong empathy with him and believe that Trump speaks for them saying what they think but cannot say. The pros and cons of Trump's presidency became evident.
Trump has degraded the quality of American politics. As mentioned above, the normative standards required of a US president have significantly been lowered. A great variety of conspiracy theories came to circulate wildly. We cannot tell if Trump is really a white supremacist or a nationalist. But those people --- white supremacists and nationalists --- heard Trump's statements and felt that there is someone in the White House who thinks the same as they do. As a result, they have become more encouraged. Polarization of identity politics has accelerated on such issues as illegal immigration, gender, race, ethnicity, and sexual morality. On the policy front, the Trump administration has done what is similar to the policies of the Democratic Party --- infrastructure investment, protectionist trade, the loosening of fiscal discipline, etc. Consequently, there is policy convergence across parties in many areas.
My account so far may give readers the impression that partisan conflict between Democrats and Republicans is responsible for the current polarization. But what has become apparent is that Trump's core supporters are people who have lost their jobs due to globalization and to the influx of illegal immigrants working for low wages. The Establishment living in California or New York says that such is unavoidable and that those people have to deal with it by improving themselves through, among other things, job training. Some people are vehemently opposed to this idea or cannot accept it. Similar things happened in Japan, where agricultural workers became marginalized. But their complaints did not become apparent because of the generous budget allocated to rural communities. Since compensation measures for workers are not robust in America, they are left to fend for themselves. The so-called elephant curve illustrates that globalization's winners over the past 20 years are the people in the top group of advanced countries and in most of the middle and least developed countries, while globalization's only losers are the low-income, non-educated people in advanced countries.
It is also important to note the following. Economically, the low-income, non-educated people are in the same situation as blacks, but they harbor a kind of "ressentiment." When unemployed, they receive sympathy for their difficulties due to discrimination. There used to be such a support system for their use such as affirmative action. If they are white and especially male with no decent job, the people around may look at them with disapproval, wondering why they are doing nothing when they suffer no particular discrimination. Thus, no one feels sorry for them, and these people will come under the sway of feelings of isolation, cynicism, and "ressentiment." They believe that Trump alone represents their feelings.
To mitigate the Trump phenomenon, we need to address the (partly justified) anger of these Trump supporters. The condescending response of the elites will not work. Given democratic norms, these people should not continue to be losers all the time. Consequently, it had some positive effects, even if accompanied by many negative ones in general, that these people became winners, temporarily as they did, and that their situation was recognized by American society. We cannot predict what Trump will do in the future, but we believe that some of his legacy --- protectionism, anti-globalization, and challenges to political correctness --- will survive. American citizens shared serious concerns about what would happen if the losing president did not leave office. In the end, however, the Trump campaign's objection to the Electoral College election lost with a one-line ruling at the Supreme Court dominated by conservative justices. This testifies to the strength and resilience of America's republicanism and a political system based on the separation of powers.
(This article was edited by the SSDP secretariat as the minutes of Kubo's lecture.)
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- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.