South Korea's Economic Security Policy and New Japan-ROK Economic Cooperation
-Supply Chains and Closer Bilateral Economic Relations-
Satoru Okuda
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Introduction
It is well known that South Korea, whose homeland was devastated by the Korean War, achieved rapid economic development, known as the "Miracle on the Han River." A strategy of export-led economic development played a crucial role in its economic recovery, which was made possible by the free trade atmosphere under the postwar GATT regime. South Korea's accession to the OECD in 1996 qualified it as a member of the advanced economies. Afterward, the country survived major economic fluctuations, such as the Asian currency crisis and the Lehman shock, thanks to its exports and the free trade regime under the WTO order.
However, the global free trade atmosphere decreased when the U.S.-China conflict intensified in the late 2010s; Donald Trump took office as U.S. president in 2018, introducing a series of measures incompatible with the free trade regime, including U.S. withdrawal from the TPP and the introduction of retaliatory tariffs against China. Today, the United States appears to be bent on shaping a de facto economic bloc involving its allies, advocating its "economic security."
For South Korea, which has maintained close economic ties with China, the intensification of the U.S.-China confrontation, the emergence of a U.S.-led economic bloc, and a decline in the free trade atmosphere constitute unfavorable circumstances. However, considering its dependence on the United States for security, South Korea, as a member of the U.S. bloc, is manifesting its willingness to contribute to the U.S. security strategy. To this end, South Korea is rushing to strengthen its supply chains and secure its technological superiority.
The same is true with Japan. Recent developments arising from heightened U.S.-China tensions are creating fresh motivations for Japan and South Korea, both belonging to the U.S. bloc, to promote new economic collaboration. The election of Yoon Suk-yeol as president of South Korea in 2022, who is committed to improving relations with Japan, is providing a tailwind for new Japan-ROK economic cooperation.
This paper will review South Korea's economic security policy, examine the significance of Japan-ROK economic cooperation as both countries focus more on economic security, suggest practical examples of possible new bilateral economic cooperation, and discuss future challenges.
1. South Korea's Economic Security Policy Supply Chain Crises and Countermeasures under the Moon Jae-in Administration
South Korea has long pursued export-led economic development, utilizing global supply chains for the efficient production of exported goods. Therefore, supply chain problems often present the country with difficulties. For example, the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake caused a supply chain crisis, which interrupted the import of intermediate goods from Japan and hampered production in South Korea.
Several supply chain crises took place during the Moon Jae-in administration. The earliest one is due to Japan's tightening of controls on exports of semiconductor components to South Korea in July 2019. This case made South Korea aware of the risk of supply disruptions for non-economic reasons.1 In February 2020, imports of Chinese-made automobile wiring harnesses stopped as a result of the outbreak of COVID-19; the failure of their roundabout procurement resulted in the suspension of production lines of South Korean automakers. This is an example of the overseas transfer of the production of labor-intensive intermediate goods that ended up causing problems. In November 2021, China's restrictions on urea exports tightened the urea water supply in South Korea, which is indispensable for diesel truck operation; truck services became unavailable in some areas (the urea water crisis).
To overcome these supply chain crises, the Moon administration adopted various countermeasures. In response to Japan's strengthening controls on exports of semiconductor components to South Korea, it introduced "Measures to Strengthen Competitiveness of Materials, Parts and Equipment" (MPE2 Measures 1.0) in August 2019. This aimed to replace 100 items of intermediate goods, for whose supply South Korea had depended on with imports from Japan, with domestic products, thereby dealing with a supply chain blockade and to improve the competitiveness of South Korean exports. To address the shortage of Chinese-made wire harnesses, the Moon administration implemented the "MPE Strategy 2.0"3 in July 2020, focusing on the global supply chains, including not only Japan but also China. In May 2021, the South Korean government announced the "K-Semiconductor Strategy," a semiconductor version of the "MPE Strategy 2.0," aiming to create semiconductor manufacturing clusters and an ecosystem and to, in due course, revive semiconductor manufacturing at home. The Moon administration encouraged massive investment (510 trillion won in toral) by semiconductor companies and instituted tax breaks as an incentive. In February 2022, the Japan-ROK agreement under the RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement) framework came into effect. This is the first free trade framework between Japan and South Korea, paving the way for strengthening mutual procurement capability.
Economic Security Policy under the Yoon Administration
As described above, the Moon Jae-in administration's supply chain measures aimed exclusively to improve the country's competitiveness and to promote domestic production. As a whole, considerations on economic security were limited; only minor suggestions were to be found in the K-Semiconductor Strategy. Those measures did not perform as well as expected because they focused exclusively on domestic production of intermediate goods, which were heavily imported from Japan, and they did not address supply chain risks from, among other countries, China. These measures were ineffective during the Chinese-made wire harness shortage and the urea water crisis.
Meanwhile, the Yoon administration, which took office in May 2022, clearly positioned economic security in its national security strategy; the "National Security Strategy of the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration"4 released in June 2023 called for establishing a global economic security system. As a policy measure to achieve this goal, the Yoon administration articulated its intention to evolve a foreign policy focused on economic security in cooperation with its allies and friendly countries and in regional and international frameworks such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF). In this context, the administration pointed to two pillars of its economic security policy: the strengthening of supply chains for semiconductors and other goods in demand, and the protection and fostering of key and emerging technologies.
Economic Security Measures of the Yoon Administration―Two Pillars
Many steps have to date been taken to strengthen supply chain resilience5―the first pillar of the Yoon administration's economic security policy.
The October 2022 "Materials, Parts and Equipment Industry Policy Direction of the New Government" stressed the need to reinforce weaknesses in supply chain measures under the Moon Jae-in administration. The document refers to supply chain vulnerabilities associated with countries other than Japan and focuses on securing general-purpose products and crucial mineral resources such as urea. As a consequence, in February 2023, the South Korean government released a "strategy for securing critical minerals," aiming to secure lithium, nickel, and other minerals for crucial advanced industries such as semiconductors and automotive batteries.
In April 2023, South Korea announced a "globalization strategy for materials, parts, and equipment," giving the impression that it will utilize "MPE securing measures" as an advanced technology strategy. In August of the same year, at a trilateral summit in Washington, the leaders of Japan, the United States, and South Korea agreed to create a pilot supply chain early warning system (EWS).
The South Korean government expedited formulating laws and regulations to help promote these supply chain-related strategies. The so-called "three supply chain laws"6 were enacted successively from 2023 to 2024. These laws specify critical commodities and make it mandatory to secure them; they stipulate the establishment of a command post in the event of supply disruptions and government intervention in commodity markets for stabilizing supply.
Efforts to strengthen supply chains are underway in relation to economic security. The IPEF Supply Chain Agreement, to which South Korea is a signatory, entered into force in February 2024. At the 13th "Materials, Parts and Equipment Competitiveness Reinforcement" Committee on April 3, 2024, 200 technologies in ten major fields, including aerospace, the defense industry, and hydrogen, were designated as core strategic technologies.
The second pillar of the Yoon administration's economic security policy focuses on protecting and nurturing key and emerging technologies,7 emphasizing their economic security aspect in addition to their growth potential aspect. Many South Koreans believe they should possess advanced technologies necessary to produce crucial goods considering economic security and produce those goods at home, thereby becoming free from supply chain risks.
In August 2022, the Act on Special Measures for Strengthening and Protecting the Competitiveness of the National High-Tech Strategic Industry came into effect. The law emphasizes the economic security aspect of the high-tech strategic industry, providing the grounds for supporting and protecting the industry by listing "national advanced high-tech strategic technologies" crucial for economic security. The "New Growth 4.0 Strategy" that appeared in December 2022 presented a vision of gaining superiority defying the global technological competition by securing a technological "super-advantage" related to crucial strategic goods. In May 2023, the South Korean government announced the Basic Plan for Fostering and Protecting National High-Tech Strategic Industries. This plan aims to embody the "New Growth 4.0 Strategy" and presents a direction for fostering future industries. The specified areas include future vehicles, robotics, the defense industry, and nuclear power generation.
2. Moving Toward Economic Security and Closer Japan-ROK Economic Relations: Intensifying U.S.-China Conflict Makes Japan and ROK Economically Closer
Due to the intensifying U.S.-China confrontation, Japan and South Korea's China business is facing potential risks associated with the two countries' relations with the United States. What is emerging as a potential alternative to their China business is "friend-shoring" or concentrating economic relations within the U.S. bloc. This may be where new opportunities can be found to strengthen and promote Japan-ROK economic relations.
The idea of economic security is incompatible with the principle of free trade and is undoubtedly not favorable to Japan and South Korea, which have developed by using trade as leverage. Yet, since Japan and South Korea are today dependent on the United States for their security, it is a practical choice for them to follow U.S. intentions of including its allies in its bloc and making them part of the economic security that it advocates.
Increasing Expectations in the Business Communities for Better Japan-ROK Relations with the Coming of the Yoon Administration
The advent of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration, committed to improving the Japan-ROK relationship, is likely to constitute a factor in activating economic relations between the two countries.
Let us look first at the South Korean side. South Korean firms have traditionally recognized the need for Japan-ROK cooperation and held high expectations for better Japan-ROK relations. According to a November 2021 survey by the Korean Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI), 92.6% of respondent firms said that Japan-ROK economic cooperation is necessary.8 Another KCCI survey conducted in March 2022, just before the inauguration of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration, estimated that better Japan-ROK relations would increase exports to Japan by $2.7 billion.9 In a survey conducted in April of the same year on expectations for Japan-ROK business,10 50% of all respondents said that they would increase trade and investment if Japan-ROK relations improved, while 70% of firms actually doing business with Japan answered the same. The respondent companies pointed out challenges such as resolving frictions over export controls and resuming high-level diplomacy while also mentioning the reorganization of semiconductor supply chains as a promising area of bilateral cooperation.
In March 2023, the Yoon administration proposed a solution involving a government-affiliated foundation in response to the Korean Supreme Court's forced labor ruling, which resulted in a significant improvement in the Japan-ROK relationship. Many of the challenges in Japan-ROK relations that Korean firms pointed out have been resolved, thereby providing the conditions for those companies to embark on increasing bilateral cooperation.
Meanwhile, on the Japanese side, there were calls for improving Japan-ROK relations, chiefly from the business circle. At regular meetings of both countries' business communities, such as Keidanren-FKI (Federation of Korean Industries) business summits and Japan-Korea Business Council meetings, requests have been adopted to facilitate business through improving Japan-ROK relations. Following the Yoon administration's March 2023 announcement of a solution to the forced labor lawsuit, a sense of anticipation for business expansion spread among Japanese companies engaged in business with South Korea.11
From Economic Competition to Coexistence and Co-Prosperity
Many Japanese still think that South Korea is a competitor. Perhaps for this reason, it seems that in the Japanese business circles, voices calling for the normalization of Japan-ROK economic relations are weak. Data at hand confirm that Japan-ROK competition is still present in third countries. Comparing imports from Japan in 2019 and 2022 in 144 countries,12 Japan lost $196.1 billion worth of exports in the countries where the share of imports from Japan declined. Looking at the relationship between Japanese exports and the share of imports from South Korea in those countries, Japan lost $101.4 billion-worth exports in the countries where the share of imports from South Korea increased; $80.2 billion-worth exports in the countries where the share of imports from South Korea decreased; $14.4 billion-worth exports in South Korea. Thus, there is a trend that Japan is losing to South Korea its share of exports in the world.
Yet, there are reasons why not only Japan but also South Korea pursue the promotion of mutual economic cooperation. First, both countries are experiencing a marked slowdown in economic growth rates due to economic maturation and sluggish export growth. As for South Korea, its economic growth rate for 2023 was lower than Japan. Under these circumstances, both countries are seeking room for further economic growth by tapping into each other's markets, which they have not necessarily utilized well.
It is South Korea that is in dire need of economic cooperation with Japan. The Japanese market has long been impregnable to South Korea due to its robust industrial pyramid structure. However, the quality of South Korean products is steadily improving, and Japan's industrial pyramid is showing signs of fraying in certain areas. As described above, South Korean firms are eyeing the Japanese market with keen interest.
For Japan, the annual trade surplus of about $20 billion with South Korea constitutes a valuable source of growth. The ratio of trade surplus with South Korea to Japanese GDP has been stable at just under 0.5% since the beginning of the 2000s, accounting for about 70% of the average annual GDP growth rate of 0.67% during this period. While the competitiveness of Japanese products has declined significantly in many parts of the world, South Korea is a good customer, understanding well the strength of Japanese products, particularly materials/parts/equipment-related intermediate goods. In Japan-ROK trade, especially in Japanese exports to South Korea, Japanese-made consumer goods account for 5.8% (2023, Japanese statistics) of total Japanese exports, the percentage which is quite small compared to other developed countries; this suggests room for further expansion.
As mentioned earlier, the intensification of the U.S.-China confrontation has offered favorable conditions for friend-shoring between Japan and South Korea. It is time for both countries to explore a shift from conflict to coexistence and co-prosperity.
3. Looking to the Future Promising Fields for Japan-ROK Economic Cooperation
As for how and in which areas Japan-ROK economic cooperation should advance, numerous proposals are available; they appeared at meetings of Japan-ROK business circles13 or were presented by experts.14 The following are some promising areas for future Japan-ROK economic cooperation based on the author's review of these proposals.
First, semiconductors and displays are strategic goods that have garnered attention. It has been a long time since Japan lost its edge in those products, and South Korea replaced Japan to enjoy a significant global market share. However, Japan still holds an advantage in materials (silicon wafers, screen glass, LCD materials, etc.), manufacturing equipment, and post-treatment for semiconductors. It is anticipated that there will be increased investment in materials, parts, and equipment toward South Korea. In these areas, the effect of friend-shoring of strategic goods is also expected.
Secondly, DX (Digital Transformation) and GX (Green Transformation). In South Korea, cashless payment and the use of smartphones are standard. Japan, which is lagging in these areas, may learn much from South Korea's experience. The idea of installing a data center in South Korea, where earthquakes are rare, may be worth considering. As for GX, Japan could share with South Korea its related technology with a slight advantage. Other specific cooperation areas may include high-temperature gas reactors (hydrogen and electricity cogeneration) based on nuclear reactor technology; ammonia co-firing at thermal power plants, and other technology cooperation; nuclear-related demonstration tests in South Korea on behalf of Japan where the operation of most of the nuclear reactors is currently suspended.
Third, human resource exchange. The "Future Partnership Fund," declared to be created by the business communities of Japan and South Korea in March 2023, aims to promote the exchange of young people who will lead the future. It is also desirable to promote travel exchanges to enhance mutual, people-to-people understanding between the two countries.
Improvement of a Japan-ROK Economic Integration Framework
In addition to the above-mentioned economic cooperation, it is desirable to continue working on the introduction and improvement of a Japan-ROK economic integration framework.
Among several proposals on Japan-ROK economic integration, the Japan-ROK joint market concept proposed by the Chairman of the SK Group, Chey Tae-won is particularly noteworthy.15 He states, "Korea and Japan are still strong economies, but they cannot on their own weather the storm of geopolitical division and weakening growth engines," expressing the idea that amid the trend toward global blocs, South Korea and Japan should take the lead in creating a large-scale economic cooperation body to compete with the United States, China, and Europe. To realize an economic community comparable to these countries, the hurdles ahead are formidable, such as the harmonization of logistics, tariffs, institutions, and currencies. But such an economic community would constitute an appropriate goal for the future.
On the other hand, we need to keep working on improving the current economic integration frameworks. The RCEP Agreement entered into force in South Korea in February 2022; however, the Japan-ROK agreement under the RCEP has achieved only a low level of tariff concessions, with only 83% of tariffs eliminated in the Korean market while 92% in the Japanese market. Further liberalization efforts will be required in bilateral talks on the RCEP. As for the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement on Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), South Korea declared starting accession procedures in December 2021; the agreement has been mentioned repeatedly in subsequent South Korean economic policy documents. However, the South Korean government has thus far failed to apply for accession. The CPTPP advocates a high degree of liberalization; it will take the lead in global trade liberalization in place of the stagnant WTO. South Korea has already undertaken a broad liberalization of its market through the ROK-U.S. FTA and is ready for a higher degree of liberalization required by the CPTPP. Should South Korea join the CPTPP, trade liberalization between Japan and South Korea will advance. Hopefully, Japan will actively support South Korea's accession to the CPTPP.
Lessons from the LINE Yahoo Incident
The Japan-ROK relationship has been repaired to a considerable extent after the Yoon administration proposed a solution to the forced labor issue in response to the Korean Supreme Court's ruling. Yet, other problems are appearing between Japan and South Korea.
As the most immediate example, we would like to discuss the LINE Yahoo incident (personal data leakage case) that is making mass media headlines in Japan and South Korea.
In October 2023, LY Corporation disclosed that a maximum of 520,000 items of personal data of LINE users had leaked out. The Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC), aware of the seriousness of the case, issued administrative guidance twice to LY Corporation in March and April 2024. The MIC demanded that necessary steps be taken to improve the company's management system, including a review of capital relationships with its parent company, South Korean IT giant Naver.
The Japanese government's response was unusual: it issued administrative guidance twice during a short period and commented on a private company's capital ties. On top of LY Corporation's repeated blunders, the probable reason for the Japanese government's reaction is the fact that it regards LINE, a social networking service used by a great number of people, as a key infrastructure from the perspective of economic security.
However, public opinion in South Korea considered the MIC's guidance an attempt to "rob LINE," and opposition intensified. Under the pressure of public opinion, on May 10, 2024, the Science Ministry's Second Vice Science Minister expressed regret over the Japanese government's pressure on Naver to relinquish ownership stakes in the messaging application LINE.
The LINE Yahoo incident seems to reveal important points of discussion when considering future Japan-ROK economic cooperation and investment: the absence of a clear line on how far the government's interference is allowed with foreign-invested enterprises from the perspective of personal data protection and economic security; the Korean public's ignorance of the increasing emphasis placed in Japan on personal data protection and economic security, misunderstanding the Japanese reaction as overkill; that Japanese authorities are not accustomed to dealing with economic security issues and sometimes overreact; and the Japanese government's lack of imagination on how its measures might be accepted by the Korean side. The shortage of dialogue and mutual understanding, coupled with the absence of a relationship of trust necessary to fix bilateral biases, has contributed to aggrandizing those problems.
Conclusion
As the U.S.-China confrontation intensifies, the concept of economic security has come to the fore in many countries. Japan and South Korea are rapidly introducing economic security measures. Meanwhile, the global economy is witnessing the effective revival of economic blocs. Japan and South Korea have chosen to join the U.S. bloc. Both countries had long been in an economic rivalry. Yet, their entry into the U.S. bloc will give rise to the benefits of friend-shoring between the two countries and provide a new incentive to strengthen bilateral cooperation. For Japan, South Korea is a good customer. Its exports to South Korea are a valuable source of growth. South Korea considers the Japanese market to be its final frontier.
Japan-ROK economic cooperation will evolve in association with industrial cooperation related to semiconductors and GX, the upgrading of the RCEP, and support for South Korea's accession to the CPTPP. Although the Japan-Korea joint market concept may be fraught with many issues to overcome, it is worth continuing efforts as a long-term joint goal.
The Japan-ROK relationship is changing for the better owing to the Suk-yeol administration's response to the forced labor ruling. However, the issues of historical perceptions are always shadowing bilateral relations, and the recent LINE Yahoo incident has shown that the lack of dialogue and the absence of trust will increase antagonism between the two countries. The Japan-ROK relationship will not be exempt from various problems, large and small. However, as Japan and South Korea must keep up with global trends, they cannot stop improving bilateral relations whenever some problem arises. It is of primary importance to build channels for properly addressing various questions that will continue to arise.
(Professor, Asia University)
(Translation by Tsutomu Inuzuka)
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- December 2021, "What to Do with the Relations with North Korea?" written by Hitoshi Tanaka, Chairman for Institute for International Strategy at the Japan Research Institute.
- October 2021, "Strategic Implications of North Korea's Enhanced Nuclear and Missile Capabilities" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- October 2021, "The Biden Administration's North Korea Policy: Its Low Priority and Looming Crises" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- October 2021, "The Evolution of the US-ROK Alliance: Tasks in the Biden Era" written by Yasuyo Sakata, Professor, Kanda University of International Studies.
- September 2021, "The Development of Regional Security Architecture: From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific" written by Ken Jimbo, Professor, Keio University.
- September 2021, "The Strategic Development of Japanese Security Cooperation under Superpower Competition and the Development of the FOIP and its Operationalization" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo.
- August 2021, "Security Perceptions of Central Asian Countries--- From the Perspective of China Studies ---" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
- August 2021, "Security in the Indian Ocean Region---Implication of the Galwan Incident for QUAD in the Indo-Pacific" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao, Fellow (Non-Resident), Hudson Institute.
- August 2021, "Easternization and Security in Asia" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- July 2021, "The Ideas of "Autonomy" and "Self-Reliance" in Contemporary India's Foreign Strategy" written by Kazutoshi TAMARI, Associate Professor,Chukyo University.
- July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
- July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
- July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
- June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
- June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
- June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
- June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
- May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
- May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election-American Democracy Now-" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries-Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?-" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy-" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations-The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
-
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
-
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation -
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan -
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) -
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
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Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki?Project-Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films-" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- July 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no2" (How Has South Korea Changed under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration?) in English edition was published.
- April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
- December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.