The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia
Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
US-Russian Relations in the Trump Administration Era
The 2016 US presidential election winner was Republican candidate Donald Trump who praised Russia and President Vladimir Putin. At that time, there were some voices in Russia hoping for an improvement in US-Russian relations that had deteriorated since the 2014 Ukrainian Crisis. This, however, did not materialize.
Rather, the issue of Russia's meddling in the US presidential election and alleged collusion with the Trump campaign ("Russia-gate") emerged around the time when the Trump administration took office. In August 2017, the US Congress enacted a bill to strengthen sanctions against Russia that prohibits the president from unilaterally lifting or easing economic sanctions against Russia without congressional approval. The United States and Russia gradually entered a confrontational mode. From the end of 2017 to the beginning of 2018, the Trump administration released the "National Security Strategy" and the "National Defense Strategy." These strategic documents defined Russia, along with China, as a "revisionist power" hostile to the US-led world order.
Furthermore, even the nuclear arms control regime, in which the United States and Russia are considered to have common interests since the Cold War era, was on the verge of dismantlement as the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Convention (INF Treaty) expired, while the February 2021 expiration of the Strategic Nuclear Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) neared.
It was Russia's good fortune that the US President at the time was Donald Trump, who is not interested in issues such as democracy and human rights. He did not become actively involved in democratization movements in former Soviet Union countries such as Ukraine and Belarus; he worsened relations with Germany and other US allies in Europe. Furthermore, during the four years of the Trump administration, American democratic institutions, which constitute the basis of US global soft power, were weakened, and the division of American society has deepened.
Meanwhile, US-China relations also deteriorated dramatically under the Trump administration, which, in turn, accelerated the move to strengthen Russia-China strategic ties that emerged after the Ukrainian Crisis. In September 2018, China's People's Liberation Army first participated in "Vostok 2018," a major Russian military strategic exercise. The PLA consecutively participated in the strategic drills "Tsentr 2019" in September 2019 and "Kafkas 2020" in September 2020.
In July 2019, Chinese and Russian strategic bombers conducted their first-ever joint patrol over the Sea of Japan. Three months later, in October 2019, President Putin announced at an international conference that Russia was helping China deploy an early missile warning system. 1
In addition, in June and October of the same year, Putin twice called the Russia-China relationship an "alliance-like relationship." In November of the same year, however, he explicitly said there was no plan for a Russia-China military alliance. 2
In October 2020, however, President Putin went a step further to state that "theoretically, it is quite possible to imagine such a thing," referring to the possibility of a Russia-China military alliance. 3 In November of the same year, Chinese and Russian strategic bombers conducted, for the second time since last July, joint patrols over the Sea of Japan and the East China Sea.
President Biden's View of Putin and Russia
What will the Biden administration's policy toward Russia look like? In a CBB interview on October 26, 2020, toward the end of the US presidential election, Democratic presidential candidate Joseph Biden was asked, "Which country is most dangerous to the United States?" He replied, "Russia is the biggest threat right now in terms of destroying our security and our alliances. The biggest competitor is China." While the Trump administration regarded both China and Russia as "strategic competitors," Biden deliberately changed the wording to say that Russia is "the biggest threat," while calling China "the biggest competitor." To understand what Biden meant by this, it is necessary to know his views on Putin and Russia.
In the January/February 2018 issue of the Foreign Affairs magazine, Biden co-authored with Michael Carpenter an essay titled "How to Stand Up to the Kremlin: Defending Democracy Against Its Enemies." 4 In the paper, he writes as follows:
"Today, the Russian government is brazenly assaulting the foundations of Western democracy around the world. Under President Vladimir Putin, the Kremlin has launched a coordinated attack across many domains --- military, political, economic, informational --- using a variety of overt and covert means."
"To safeguard its kleptocratic system, the Kremlin has decided to take the fight beyond Russia's borders to attack what it perceives as the greatest external threat to its survival: Western democracy." The Kremlin perceives three distinct threats from Western democracy: (1) US intention of "pursuing regime change in Russia", (2) "Western support for democratic reforms among Russia's neighbors" that will undermine Russia's patronage networks, and (3) "democratic transformation in Russia's neighborhood" that "would serve as a powerful counterexample to Moscow's kleptocratic and authoritarian rule and would delegitimize its authority over the long run."
The Kremlin relies on the tools of disinformation and cyberattacks to overthrow democracy in Western Europe and the United States.
"The manipulation of energy markets is another important tool that Russia uses for coercion and influence peddling."
Russia has weaponized and exported corruption. It provides benefits to forces working abroad in favor of the Kremlin. "Money laundering is another example of how the Kremlin seeks to infect Western democracies with the corruption virus."
"Washington and its partners ... must agree to impose meaningful costs on Russia when they discover evidence of its misdeeds."
On the other hand, the United States and "Russia have a mutual obligation to maintain strategic stability. That means not only regulating the development and deployment of strategic weapons but also communicating clearly to avoid misunderstandings about what each side perceives as a strategic threat."
It is not hard to imagine that in writing the essay, Biden must have remembered Russia's meddling in the 2016 US presidential election. Unlike China, Russia will not become a nation that can compete with the United States for world leadership in the medium to long term. But in the short term, Russia could use various tools to intervene in the democratic systems of Western countries and damage them. In this sense, Biden's remarks in the above interview indicate that Russia could be "the biggest threat" from the short-term perspective.
The Biden Administration's Anticipated Policy toward Russia
The Biden administration's most urgent task is to rebuild the American system of democracy and regain global soft power. It will likely develop a foreign policy emphasizing values such as democracy and human rights. This direction in the Biden administration's foreign policy is discernible from its proposal to hold a global Summit for Democracy, which will focus on the three primary issues of fighting corruption, defending against authoritarianism, and advancing human rights. 5
From the perspective of highlighting European allies, emphasis will be placed on repairing relations with Germany, which deteriorated during the Trump administration era. The Biden administration will also actively engage with the democratization process of former Soviet Union countries such as Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova.
Victoria Nuland previously served as an advisor to Vice President Cheney, US ambassador to NATO under the Bush Jr. administration, and as Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs under the Obama administration at the outbreak of the Ukrainian Crisis. Her nomination to the number three post in the Department of State also suggests the direction of the Biden administration's foreign policy.
Suspicions have surfaced that the Russian authorities were involved in the attempted assassination of Russian anti-government activist Alexei Navalny that occurred last year. Navalny was taken into custody by the Russian authorities at the airport after just returning to Russia from Germany, where he had been recuperating. This triggered anti-government demonstrations that raged in Moscow and other major cities. The Biden administration will actively release messages on Russia's primary domestic issues.
There is, of course, no prospect of lifting or easing economic sanctions against Russia by the United States or the EU. Rather, there is a good chance for additional sanctions to be imposed on Russia in connection with the Navalny issue.
However, the Biden administration is well aware that Russia remains the largest nuclear weapons state along with the United States, that both countries bear a special obligation of maintaining global strategic stability, and that the United States must maintain dialogue channels with Russia to avoid unforeseen contingencies. Therefore, the Biden administration will unconditionally extend for five years the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) scheduled to expire in February 2021. To the end, the Trump administration was reluctant to do so.
There is also room for US cooperation with Russia in some multilateral framework if the Biden administration attempts to return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran, which the Obama administration signed in July 2015, but from which the Trump administration announced US withdrawal in May 2018. Incidentally, communication channels to avoid conflicts are maintained between US and Russian forces in Syria.
In any case, there is no prospect for a significant improvement in US-Russian relations under the Biden administration; Russia's tendency to strengthen its strategic relationship with China will remain unchanged. As mentioned earlier, in October 2020, President Putin took a step further to speak about the possibility of concluding a Russia-China military alliance: "Theoretically, it is quite possible to imagine such a thing," but, presumably, he stated this with the 2020 US presidential election in mind.
How will the Biden administration address the strengthening of the strategic relationship between Russia and China?
As mentioned earlier, the Biden administration's policy toward Russia will be much stricter than that of the Trump administration, which paid little attention to democracy and human rights issues. Will the Biden administration not be concerned with the strengthening of the strategic relationship between Russia and China, which emerged after the Obama era Ukrainian Crisis and rapidly evolved throughout the four years of the Trump administration?
There is a report worthy of attention that will answer this question: "Navigating the Deepening Russia-China Partnership," released on the website of the US think tank Center For a New American Security (CNAS) on January 14, 2021. 6 Andrea Kendall-Taylor, CNAS Senior Fellow and former intelligence analyst on Russia and Eurasia at the CIA and the National Intelligence Council, is one of the two co-authors of the report. When the CNAS report was published, she was about to be appointed as Senior Director for Russia and Central Asia at the National Security Council under the Biden administration. 7
The basic premise of this report is a recognition of the current situation where Russia and China are deepening cooperation in the four areas of 1) defense, 2) democracy and human rights, 3) technology and cyberspace, and 4) the economy. The report notes that if Russia-China cooperation in areas 1) and 2), in particular, is left unchecked, it could have a significant impact on the US-China struggle for world leadership.
Traditionally, debates over US response to the closeness of Russia and China have fallen into the following two broad categories:
(1) Mutual distrust between Russia and China is deep-rooted, and the degree of closeness is limited. There is no need for a special response. 8
(2) To drive a wedge between Russia and China, the United States should try to bring Russia into the US camp against China just as President Nixon succeeded in bringing China into the US camp against the Soviet Union during the Cold War (a reverse Nixon strategy). 9
According to this report, a response based on (1) is wrong, as the Russia-China strategic relationship has already evolved beyond the limited level envisaged in the past. On the other hand, the report dismisses such simple approaches as the reverse Nixon strategy as incapable of dealing with this problem. The authors, therefore, recommend that together with its democratic allies and partners, the United States should prepare for and confront the possible threats that the Russia-China alliance would pose to US interests and values, while proceeding with preparations to capitalize on a rift that in the long run will widen between Russia and China.
Specifically, the authors propose comprehensive approaches comprising a mixture of hard and soft measures: (a) Change Russia's Calculus, (b) Monitor and Plan for Growing Russia-China Cooperation, (c) Create Headwinds, and (d) Exploit Fissures. In the section "Exploit Fissures," they state, "Russia is also likely to look to countries such as India and Japan to hedge against its growing reliance on Beijing --- relationships that have the potential to upset Beijing," while going so far as to recommend "allowing Russia to sell arms to India and Vietnam."
January 14, 2021, when this report appeared on the CNAS website, was the day following the day when the media reported that Kurt Campbell, CNAS Co-Founder and Chairman of the Board of Directors, would be appointed as Indo-Pacific coordinator at the National Security Council. 10 There is a likelihood that Campbell has much to do with the contents of the report.
If this is the case, the Biden administration, with its diplomatic orientation toward democracy and human rights, will adopt tough policies toward Russia regarding Europe, the former Soviet Union countries, and its internal affairs. In the meantime, it could give special consideration to the development of Russia's bilateral relations with such countries as Japan, India, and Vietnam to diversify Russia's interests in the long run beyond China into other parts of the Indo-Pacific region.
However, it is unclear to what extent these two seemingly contradictory directions of the Biden administration's diplomacy toward Russia will be coordinated inside the administration and will then come into practice. This will warrant our careful attention.
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.