The Yoon Suk-yeol Administration and the ROK-Japan Relations:
How the Yoon Administration Addresses the History Problem?
CHOI, Eunmi
1. The inauguration of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration and shifts in the ROK-Japan relations.
The inauguration of the Yoon Suk-yeol administration in May 2022 marked a new transition in the ROK-Japan relations. The bilateral ties had been ever-worsening since; South Korean Supreme Court's decision on the wartime forced labor; 2018 disputes over Korea's radar lock-on and low-altitude flight of Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF); Korea's anti-Japanese sentiment, boycotting trip to Japan and Japanese products in response to Japan's export control against South Korea in 2019; and disintegration of the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA). Together with the outbreak of COVID-19, disconnecting people-to-people exchanges, there seemed to be no exit from the quandary.
In the meantime, there were shifts from Abe to Suga and Suga to Kishida Cabinet, while in South Korea, President Moon Jae-in was succeeded by President Yoon Suk-yeol, marking a fresh start in bilateral relations. As president-elect, Yoon Suk-yeol stressed the significance of the ROK-Japan relations1 and so the Presidential Transition Committee took active steps by sending "Korea-Japan Policy Consultative Delegation" to Japan (April 24-28, 2022). Prime Minister Kishida met with the delegation members and raised expectations for working towards forward looking relations by noting that "There is no time to waste to improve ties between Japan and South Korea."2 About a year later, on March 6, 2023, there was an exponential growth in mutual exchanges when the South Korean government proposed a resolution to the South Korean Supreme Court's decision on the forced labor issue, which had been the most pending issue between the two countries since 2018. What made the Yoon administration to improve the relationship in such a swift manner?
2. Why Now?
There was a widespread repercussion across South Korea when the South Korean government announced measures to resolve the associated legal problems derived from the Supreme Court's October 2018 ruling on the forced labor issue. It was hard for Korean public to accept third-party reimbursement in which the Korean "Foundation for Victims of Forced Mobilization by Imperial Japan" compensate3 on behalf of the complicit Japanese companies. The plan was particularly met with strong backlash when President Yoon announced to compensate without claiming any payment from the Japanese companies. The South Korean government taking the lead on behalf of the defendants, without any apologies or compensation from the companies, left a widespread sentiment of humiliation. The fact that 4 out of 15 plaintiffs who had received final judgments refused to accept the government's proposal raised criticism that the South Korean government ignored the victims' voices. Nevertheless, the government has maintained the proposal up until now. What made the South Korean government hastily resolve the forced labor issue? Wait, was it even hasty?
Background of the proposal: Japan's Significance to South Korea
The reasons why the Yoon administration prioritized the framework for a resolution of the forced labor issue over other diplomatic matters include: 1) the growing need to improve the ROK-Japan relations for trilateral relations with the U.S.; 2) that the resolution of this issue harmonizes with the Yoon administration's foreign policy direction; 3) damages caused by the deterioration of the bilateral relationship; and 4) the urgency to resolve the issue.
First, amidst growing nuclear threat from North Korea, it was inevitable to revamp the ROK-Japan relations to advance trilateral relations with the United States. At the time of inauguration of the Yoon administration, the regional instability was intensified with North Korea's nuclear threats and growing anxiety within the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's missile tests sharply increased: twice in 2020, eight in 2021, and over 60 in 2022. Pyongyang officially admitted to possessing nuclear weapons at the Supreme People's Assembly, adopting a decree that outlines the principles for their use. While there was an urgent need to advance trilateral cooperation to address North Korea problems, the chronic instability of the ROK-Japan relations had been a hindrance. It was quintessential to restore the bilateral relations to consolidate trilateral partnerships with the U.S. and address the North Korean nuclear threats.
Moreover, we should note the foreign policy direction of the Yoon administration amid the U.S.-China confrontation and the increasing fluidity of the global order. In the midst of the intensifying the U.S.-China rivalry, South Korea has often stood at a diplomatic crossroads, facing situations where 'strategic ambiguity' was on the threshold. Consequently, South Korea was inevitably concerned of its diplomatic position. Based on common values and norms, the Yoon administration's foreign policy and security vision aim to expand South Korea's role in the international community as a global pivotal state that contributes to freedom, peace, and prosperity. To realize this goal, South Korea had to promote diplomatic activities to strengthen its alignment with friendly countries and allies that share values of freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. South Korean foreign policy traditionally focused on North Korea and Northeast Asia, emphasizing the relations with the four neighboring powers: the United States, Japan, China, and Russia. Moving forward, South Korea should broaden its perspective to include Indo-Pacific region, expand its outreach, and emphasize its role in the international community by aligning and maintaining stable relations with countries that share the same values. From this viewpoint, the Yoon administration's foreign policy is ‘strategic clarity' between the U.S. and China. In this context, refining bilateral relations with Japan that shares the same values of freedom, democracy, and human rights was crucial. Conflicts with Japan have posed many challenges for South Korea in determining its foreign policy direction, implementing policy measures, and developing multilateral cooperation such as ROK-U.S.-Japan, and ROK-Japan-China partnerships. It is not an exaggeration to say that the ROK-Japan conflict has been the cause of multiple issues.
In addition, the resolution of the forced labor issue aimed to mitigate practical damage caused by the deterioration of bilateral relations. Since 2019, the abrupt deterioration of bilateral relations has led to a decline in people-to-people exchanges, including boycotts of Japanese products and trips to Japan, as well as massive interruptions in intergovernmental, regional, and scholarly exchanges. Businesses related to travel and tourism were directly impacted, and other industries also suffered from direct and indirect damages, causing psychological and material harm to the people of both countries. The increasing instability and unpredictability of the ROK-Japan relations have resulted in a regression in business exchanges and investment. As the conflict resulted in practical damage, there was widespread consensus that further harm is no longer tolerable.
Last but not least, there was an urgency to address the forced labor issue. The South Korean Supreme Court's ruling on the forced labor issue has received attention in 2018 as a pending issue between the two countries, but the litigation on the issue dates back to the 1990s. Indeed, it is taking more than four years since the 2018 Supreme Court's ruling and took more than 30 years since the 1990s when the litigation started. With the lapse of time, many of the victims died and their resentment was passed on to their families and offsprings. After decades of legal strife, the victims won their cases, but it is unlikely that they will receive compensation from the defendant Japanese companies. The surviving victims and their families are now elderly and running out of time. Thus, the nature of the forced labor issue that required the quickest measures prompted the South Korean government to propose the resolution. In this sense, it would not be accurate to say that the South Korean government was hasty in seeking for a resolution.
3. What has changed? - from restoration and resumption to new cooperation
The ROK-Japan relations have undergone major changes over the past year, beginning with President Yoon Suk-yeol's visit to Japan, following the South Korean government's proposed resolution to the forced labor issue. In particular, there was a resumption of shuttle diplomacy between the two leaders (President Yoon's visit to Japan in March 2023 and Prime Minister Kishida's visit to South Korea in May 2023). Japan lifted export control on South Korea, and the two countries put each other back on their "white list" of trusted trading partners. Furthermore, high-level intergovernmental meetings on economy, culture, finance, and defense, which had long been in hiatus, were revived. A new economic security dialogue has commenced, with both countries affirming their cooperation and communication on global challenges such as health, supply chains, and climate change as part of their Indo-Pacific strategies. In August 2023, ROK, the United States, and Japan held their first trilateral meeting, adopting three documents―"The Spirit of Camp David," "Camp David Principles," and "Commitment to Consult among Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the United States." As a result, the leaders of South Korea and Japan had seven talks in 2023 through various multilateral conferences, maintaining momentum to further develop bilateral relations.
4. How is the Yoon administration tackling the history problem? – from negligence to resolution
Despite numerous improvements in ROK-Japan relations over the past year, unresolved questions still loom large. What should be done to the forced labor victims (or their families) who do not accept the proposed resolution? What happens if the "Foundation for Victims of Forced Mobilization by Imperial Japan" runs short of funds? More fundamentally, how should the history problem be addressed? How about the apologies and remorse that the victims have demanded for decades?
Answers can be inferred from President Yoon's responses to questions about ROK-Japan relations at the "Yoon Administration's Two-Year National Report and Press Conference" on May 9, 2024. President Yoon stated, "We must consider future of our nations and what we should do for future generations … Various pending issues or past history could pose challenges, but with a clear goal in mind, we should maintain perseverance in pursuing our objectives."4 After the Press Conference, a flood of criticism followed: "Is it the past history problems that obstruct bilateral relations?" "Why should the victim country have to endure?" "What has Japan, the perpetrator country, done in the past year or so while South Korea, the victim country, has been patient?"
It is not that Japan did not make efforts to improve the bilateral relations. However, from South Korean viewpoint, (1) the defendant Japanese companies took no action while the South Korean government proposed a resolution the issue, (2) the Fukushima contaminated water (also known as ‘(Fukushima Daiichi) ALPS treated water') has been released into the sea regardless of increasing concerns, (3) the right-wing slant in Japanese history textbooks has become more evident, and (4) Japan still claims Dokdo (Japan call it ‘Takeshima') as its own territory. On top of these, the recent ‘Line Yahoo incident' heightened perception that Japan attempts to snatch one of South Korea's global companies. The "half empty cup"5 emphasized by the South Korean government in proposing the resolution to the forced labor issue remains unfilled by Japan. Notwithstanding, the South Korean government is calling for perseverance to its public.
Despite negative public opinion, the Yoon administration's Japan policy aimed to accept Japan as a partner and to promote cooperation within a bilateral framework. The bilateral conflicts harm national interests of both countries, making restoration of the ROK-Japan relations indispensable. In this process, the approach involved pursuing all feasible actions under the President's authority while addressing unavoidable historical disputes. The traditional ‘two-track approach' of separating history problem from future-oriented cooperation amounted to little more than rhetoric. It was a lesson from South Korea's past Japan policy and the outcome of bilateral relations that demonstrated the impracticality of such an approach.
Given the decades-long dispute between the two countries over history and their divergent historical perspectives, a fundamental resolution of the historical issue is anything but possible in the short time. In South Korea's political system under the single-term presidency, the actions a President can take during their five-year term are limited. Therefore, the Yoon administration focused on ‘resolving the issue' instead of ‘neglecting the conflict.' In other words, the Yoon administration was to address current issues such as the forced labor issue sparked by the Supreme Court's ruling,6 while managing longstanding disputes such as those concerning Japanese history textbooks. Regarding apologies and remorse from Japan, South Korea expects these not as a demand or request from Korea, but as a result of Japan's thoughtful self-reflection.
5. Remaining issues and future challenges
The direction of the Yoon administration's Japan policy can be viewed as a realistic approach, given the fundamental difficulties of the historical issues and the time available to the President. However, this approach is seen as myopic, as it overlooks the exploration of the root causes of the historical conflicts, fails to bridge perception gaps, and lacks a concrete action plan for seeking self-reflective apologies from Japan. Above all, the Yoon administration pursued foreign policy shifts toward Japan without national consensus, which risks reigniting conflicts with Japan should the government lose momentum.
Thanks to the adamant determination of leaders and governments of two countries many partnerships have been restored for the past year, promoting new cooperation and ultimate rehabilitation of bilateral relations. However, many problems remain unresolved. Some victims of the forced labor issue oppose the South Korean government's resolution and some victims of wartime sexual slavery refuse the 2015 agreement reached between the two governments. More importantly, majority of South Koreans do not think that these issues have been resolved. Discharging contaminated (‘ALPS treated') water from the nuclear plant in Fukushima is a potential conflict, while the registration of Sado mine to UNESCO and the continental shelf agreement are upcoming conflicts. Issues with Japanese history textbook and Dokdo (‘Fukushima') are ongoing sources of conflict. In this sense, the ROK-Japan relations continue to be unstable. The ‘Line-Yahoo incident' well exemplifies sensitivity, instability, and volatility inherent in ROK-Japan relations. In the end, more efforts are needed than ever.
It is important to note, however, that the goodwill and intimacy with growing mutual exchanges are positive elements supporting bilateral relations. Those elements serve as a buffer that eases impact of those tensions and work as facilitators that expedite recovery amid the current instability. Although it is hard to be optimistic about the future of the ROK-Japan relations, it is of utmost importance for both countries to boost efforts to maintain the current momentum of progress.
(The Asan Institute for Policy Studies, Research Fellow)
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- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy-" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations-The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
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June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
-
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation -
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan -
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) -
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
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Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki?Project-Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films-" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- July 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no2" (How Has South Korea Changed under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration?) in English edition was published.
- April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
- December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.