The Global South Viewed from China's Perspective
Shin Kawashima
Introduction
This paper seeks to examine how China views and discusses the concept of the "Global South (全球南方)." To this end, it is necessary to understand China's self-perception, worldview, and the tenor of its foreign policy.
China was initially skeptical of the term "Global South." It criticized the term being used at press conferences during the May 2023 Hiroshima Summit, warning against the attempt to involve Global South countries in geopolitical disputes.1 However, the April 2, 2023 article by Guo Heping, while expressing skepticism about the Global South discourse, concludes that as the "First High-Level Conference of the Forum on Global Action for Shared Development" is scheduled during 2023, "Global South" countries should take advantage of this opportunity to unite. Quotation-marking the term Global South, he still appears to urge accepting it.2 The Chinese use of quotation marks indicates that the marked term or concept is not accepted.
When the First High-Level Conference of the Forum on Global Action for Shared Development took place on July 10 following the enactment of the Foreign Relations Law on June 28, 2023 (effective July 1, 2023), Politburo member Wang Yi stated at the conference that China is "the largest developing country in the world and a natural member of the Global South."3 After this, he continued to refer to the Global South at the BRICS preparatory meetings and on other occasions. The Chinese government appears to have drastically changed its position regarding the Global South at the Closing Ceremony of the BRICS Business Forum on August 22, 2023. Xi Jinping reportedly stated, "As a developing country and a member of the ‘Global South,' China breathes the same breath with other developing countries and pursues a shared future with them. China has resolutely upheld the common interests of developing countries and worked to increase the representation and voice of EMDCs in global affairs."4 Although the Chinese government did not endorse the concept of Global South because the term was quotation-marked in Xi's speech text, his use of it indicated that China has officially accepted it. On September 15, 2023, when Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection Li Xi attended the "G77+China" meeting held in Cuba, he also referred to the Global South, stating that China stands firmly with Global South countries.5
It can therefore be said that China has drastically changed its position on the concept of the Global South during the year 2023. This paper aims to examine the background and reasons for this change.
1. The "Impact" of the Global South Summit
In the background of the appearance of the Global South discourse was the prevalence following the outbreak of the Ukraine war of the argument that distinguished China and Russia as despotic states from democracies. Many discussions define countries other than China and Russia as the Global South and ask which side they take―democracies or tyrannies. In this context, China has been casting a dubious eye on the term Global South.
It was the Global South Summit, held online under the auspices of India on January 12-13, 2023, that made it impossible for China to ignore the term Global South―China was not invited to the meeting. At a press conference, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said, "We have taken note of the relevant reports. The Indian side has informed the Chinese side of its considerations and plans for organizing the conference." He stated that China had received advance notice of the meeting and emphasized China's support for developing countries and the intensity of its relations with them.6 But this statement only paraphrases the fact that China was effectively not invited.
There was much debate in China on the question of why China was not invited. Many argued that India, as the chair of the G20, sought to position itself as representing the views of developing countries. Others argued that nobody would consider China, the world's second-largest economy, as a developing country. Some argued that India deliberately excluded China, pointing out, as background, the China-India struggle over leadership among the non-aligned and developing countries.7 What is intriguing is the discussion that points to the possible linkage between the question and the Indian Ocean Region Forum on Development Cooperation. This conference was held on November 21, 2022, in Kunming, Yunnan Province, organized by the China International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA). Nineteen countries participated in it: Indonesia, Pakistan, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Maldives, Nepal, Afghanistan, Iran, Oman, South Africa, Mozambique, Tanzania, Seychelles, Madagascar, Mauritius, Djibouti, Kenya, and Australia―India did not participate.8 The Indian side could not remain silent about the "Indian Ocean region forum without India."9 At a press conference on November 28, CIDCA spokesman Xu Wei stated, "India is an important major country in the Indian Ocean region, and the China-Indian Ocean Regional Development Cooperation Forum, co-hosted by the China International Development Cooperation Agency and the People's Government of Yunnan Province, has of course extended an invitation to the Indian side."10 He said that an invitation was extended to India, but India did not participate. Then, why did India not accept China's invitation? The first probable reason may be the ongoing China-India border disputes, which have worsened Indian public opinion toward China. According to a Pew Research Center poll survey released in July 2023, Indian people's negative impressions of China reached 67%―a significant change from 46% in 2019 and 32% in 2015.11 Second, there are undoubtedly some "frictions" between China and India over different international frameworks. For example, India has never been invited to the Trans-Himalaya Forum for International Cooperation, which China has been hosting annually since 2018―the third of the series took place on October 5, 2023.
2. China's Caution against the Global South Discourse and the Subsequent Change
Thus, from the outset, China was wary of the Global South discourse. However, the failure to be invited to the January 2023 Global South Summit made it difficult for China to simply define the term Global South as a phrase employed by the West to check it. China felt challenged by India regarding the question as to who would represent developing countries.
However, China did not recognize the Global South discourse as such. It remained skeptical of it. The argument that demonstrates China's doubts about the Global South discourse is the one that compares the discourse to the well-known adage, "The true aim lies elsewhere (醉翁之意不在酒)." This argument alleges: first, the United States and other Western countries are investing funds in the development and growth of Global South countries, simultaneously introducing various norms and policy agendas, and controlling the Global South discourse, thereby attempting to win over Global South countries. Second, the United States uses its Indo-Pacific strategy to make the Global South a point of contention in an attempt to split developing countries, or, specifically, to alienate China from other developing countries; the West attempts to play China and other emerging and developing countries off against one another to profit from their quarrel.12 Nonetheless, the conclusion of this argument is that China should accept the Global South concept with reservations and strengthen its solidarity with Global South countries.
Wu Hailong, a former senior official of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and currently president of the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs, stated in a June 2023 interview: "Some Western countries adhere to the Cold War mentality and engage in group politics. They attempt to use the concept of ‘Global South' to divide and weaken the camp of developing countries, draw lines based on ideology and social systems, and force developing countries to choose sides. Some countries even attempt to deny China's status as a developing country, sow discord between developing countries and China, and poison the international environment and atmosphere of cooperation for global development."13 This is another argument that considers the Global South discourse as an invention of the West to check China.
Never free from such skepticism about the Global South discourse, domestic debates in China, however, took a major turn in July 2023, sparked by Wang Yi's statement on July 10, 2023, at the First High-Level Conference of the Forum on Global Action for Shared Development. On July 24, 2023, Wang Yi met with South African Foreign Minister Pandor and stated, "... the BRICS mechanism is the most important platform for emerging market representatives and developing countries to strengthen dialogue and cooperation, and it is also the most important channel for strategic communication in the ‘Global South.'"14 The reason for his distinguishing between emerging markets and developing countries is due probably to his considering Russia and some other countries not as developing countries. Furthermore, Wang Yi He referred to and defined the Global South at the 13th Meeting of BRICS National Security Advisers and High Representatives on National Security in Johannesburg, South Africa, on July 25. As if echoing Wang Yi's remarks, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning explained the "Global South (全球南方)." She said, "The ‘Global South' is a collection of emerging market countries and developing countries... Director Wang Yi put forward a four-point proposal on strengthening cooperation in the ‘Global South': first, to eliminate conflicts and build peace; second, it is necessary to revitalize vitality and jointly promote development; the third is to be open and inclusive, and seek common progress; fourth, we must unite and discuss and cooperate." Wang Yi stressed that "independence is the political background of the ‘Global South,' development and revitalization is the historical mission of the ‘Global South,' and fairness and justice are the common propositions of the ‘Global South.'" He added that "China is a natural member of the ‘Global South' and will always be a member of the family of developing countries."15
Thus, China redefined the "Global South" through its language and demonstrated a different understanding of it from the Global South discourse based on developed countries' worldviews. Lately, in China, we have encountered examples of using the term Global South without quotation marks,16 but this is not yet well-established.
3. China's Worldview and the Positioning of the "Global South"
What then does China's criticism of the "Global South" discourse and its subsequent change mean?17 Xi Jinping articulated the country's national goals and foreign strategy in his report at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in the fall of 2017: to become a great modern socialist country and to realize the dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation by the 100th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 2049. Generally speaking, since the unification of Taiwan is recognized as a national dream, the above national goals seem to imply the unification of Taiwan in 2049. Meanwhile, Xi's report states that a new type of international relations will emerge in 2049, which assumes that China will replace the United States in taking the lead in shaping the world order. Therefore, relations with the United States will constitute the basis of China's foreign policy.
China defines its current relationship with the United States as a long-term, intense "competition," which, however, is not incompatible with efforts to avoid conflict and to cooperate where cooperation is possible. To maintain this difficult relationship, it is essential to maintain close communications and management. The US side also understands the nature of this relationship.
China is already the world's second-largest economy, with a per capita GDP exceeding 10,000 yuan; nonetheless, it positions itself as a developing country and often refers to itself as a developing superpower. Obviously, China does not intend to join any "club" comprising only developed countries like the OECD and the G7 but aligns itself with the G77. This is the reason why China cannot accept the Global South discourse proposed by developed countries, which China considers to help separate China from developing countries. This can be explained by the fact that China has abided by the five principles of peace and friendship since the 1950s. This stance of China assumes that it should behave in the international community as a "non-aligned" or "developing" country. Meanwhile, China has maintained its foreign policy line of independence and self-reliance since the early 1980s, which stipulates that China should have no allies but fundamentally pursue omnidirectional diplomacy, thereby avoiding head-on collisions with developed countries.
Although it is avoiding conflict with developed countries, the Xi Jinping administration is deeply suspicious of the existing global order. Until the Hu Jintao administration, the Chinese government had maintained that developed countries shaped the global order and China's role was to modify it as a developing country. The Xi Jinping administration, however, insists that China is taking the lead in shaping the global order. Consequently, China is suspicious of the current global order led by Western developed countries and vehemently criticizes Western values and the US-centered security network while declaring that it upholds the United Nations' core values and respects international law―as far as they are based on its understanding. In China, vigilance and criticism of the United States and Western developed countries is intensifying extremely. China seeks to position itself as representing "less industrialized countries" under its worldview of "developed countries vs. less industrialized countries." This widely differs from the "developed countries/dictatorial countries/Global South" worldview entertained by the West. China considers the Global South discourse as a developed countries' invention designed to alienate China from other developing countries. It believes the West is imposing its norms and values on Global South countries.
The new type of international relations advocated by the Xi Jinping administration aims to build an economy-based win-win relationship, which will evolve into a partnership and, then, a community bound by a common destiny. It features the absence of Western values such as democracy. The Chinese government asserts that this new type of international relations should embody the notion of the UN Charter as understood by China; the One Belt, One Road initiative is positioned as its testing ground. The cooperative relationship with the "Global South" that Wang Yi calls for is fundamentally an extension of this new type of international relations. China proposes the Global Development Initiative and the Global Security Initiative as extensions of the new type of international relations. These are thought to involve gradually developing economy-based relationships into the spheres of politics and security. It remains to be seen how China will create, especially, security relations with developing countries in the future.
As explained above, what the Xi Jinping administration has in mind from the outset is confrontation and competition with developed countries, particularly the United States. Given this, it may have been a "shock" to China that India did not invite it to the January 2023 Global South Summit. China has now come to also face a challenge from India. In other words, if the Global South had remained a favorite concept shared only by developed countries, China would have had only to continue using the term developing countries while criticizing the concept of the Global South. However, India not only picked up the term Global South but went so far as to try to demonstrate its leadership among developing countries by doing so. This move by India appears to have made it impossible for China, also attempting to represent less industrialized and developing countries, to ignore the term Global South. The use of the term by quite a few leaders of developing countries seems to have exerted pressure on China.
China's worldview, global order perception, or foreign policy has been fundamentally formulated along the axis of rivalry with developed countries or is based on its relations with the United States. None of them takes fully into account China's competitive relationship with other "less industrialized countries." Therefore, although it has border disputes with India and also a competitive relationship with it over some regional frameworks, China appears to have not gone beyond criticizing India, which held the Global South Summit but did not invite China.
Conclusion
This paper has examined the way the concept of the "Global South" (全球南方in Chinese) is viewed and discussed in China. Initially, criticism against it was dominant, but by July 2023, the climate of opinion had changed in China.
It is hard for China, which envisages the axis of rivalry between "developed countries vs. less industrialized countries" and boasts of its leadership among the latter, to recognize the "developed countries/dictatorial countries/Global South" worldview. China considers the Global South discourse as an invention meant to separate China from developing countries. China cannot admit the "Global South" discourse emanating from developed countries, for it holds fast to the five principles of peace and friendship and deems itself to be a developing superpower.
India held the Global South Summit without inviting China; quite a few leaders of developing countries are employing the term Global South―in such an adverse climate, China changed course in July 2023, with Wang Yi personally redefining the Global South as "a collection of emerging market countries and developing countries." Thus, China clarified its relationship with the Global South. This series of developments means that China has refused to accept the way developed countries use the term Global South, proposed a definition from its understanding of the Global South based on its worldview, and showed its willingness to compete to gain the initiative in discussing the term. However, since quotation marks are still attached to the term Global South used in official discourse in the Chinese language, competition over the term may be considered to be defensive rather than aggressive efforts.
This stance of China on the Global South may be explained in part by the presence of India. China's worldview, perception of the global order, and foreign policy are predicated on competition and confrontation with developed countries. On the other hand, its relationship with developing countries is almost stable; the possibility of competition with them is not assumed. Although China has had friction with India over border disputes and issues related to some international frameworks for the South Asian region, it has yet to incorporate the competitive relationship with India into its global order perception or worldview. In this sense, the Global South discourse poses new problems for China. We should continue to see whether China will adjust its political ideas and strategy with an eye on its competitive relationship with India. Many relevant questions await further clarification, such as why the Chinese government policy on the Global South in July 2023 changed or whether the shift is related to the Foreign Relations Law enacted at the end of June 2023. These questions require continued consideration.
(Professor, The University of Tokyo)
(Translation by Tsutomu Inuzuka)
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- May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election-American Democracy Now-" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries-Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?-" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy-" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations-The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
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June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
-
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation -
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan -
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) -
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
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Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki?Project-Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films-" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- July 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no2" (How Has South Korea Changed under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration?) in English edition was published.
- April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
- December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.