North and South Korea Enter a New Phase of Competition
Narushige Michishita
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Introduction
There are signs that North and South Korea are entering a new phase of competition. While North Korea continues to develop nuclear weapons and missiles, build up its conventional forces, and strengthen its ties with Russia, South Korea strengthens its ties with the United States and Japan, expands its military capabilities, and exerts socioeconomic and diplomatic pressures on North Korea.
The history of inter-Korean relations can be summarized as follows: the 1950s was the period of the Korean War and reconstruction from the war; the 1960s through the 1980s was a period of acute competition in all areas, including military, diplomatic, economic, and ideological fronts; and the 1990s through the 2010s was a period in which South Korea dealt with North Korea from a position of strength. Regarding military capabilities, North and South Korea were equal in the 1960s; North Korea gained the upper hand in the 1970s; the balance was restored in the 1980s; and South Korea began to gain the upper hand in the 1990s. After 2000, while South Korea maintained its superiority in conventional forces, North Korea offset that with its nuclear, missile, and other asymmetric capabilities. By 2024, however, North Korea has acquired nuclear and missile capabilities at a level unacceptable to South Korea. It has also started to receive significant support from Russia. In response, South Korea has begun competing aggressively with North Korea.
Both Koreas are taking offensive and defensive measures. North Korea has adopted new offensive tools such as cyberattacks while taking defensive measures to protect its society from the influence of South Korea's cultural products. South Korea has launched a diplomatic offensive against North Korea while making efforts to enhance the credibility of the extended nuclear deterrence provided by the United States. We will see what that intensified inter-Korean competition will bring about.
1 Kim Jong-un's Two-Korea Policy
Recently, North Korea began referring to South Korea by its official name––the Republic of Korea (ROK)––and announced that it would not pursue reunification between North and South Korea. While Kim Jong-un's speech in January 2024 sounded generally defensive, he also made statements that heightened tensions on the Korean Peninsula.1 What do these seemingly contradictory messages suggest? Let us examine Kim Jong-un's speech.
(1) Kim Jong-un's speech
In January 2024, Kim Jong-un said that:
- (a) He acknowledged the existence of "two states" on the Korean Peninsula
- (b) South Korea had adopted a hostile policy of "all-out confrontation," aiming for the collapse of the North Korean government and unification by absorption
- (c) North Korea would cut off the North-South communication line and block the inter-Korean railway
- (d) North Korea's military capabilities were a means of self-defense instead of armed unification.
Kim Jong-un's message was, overall, defensive.
In addition to those statements, however, Kim Jong-un also made the following statements that heightened tensions on the Korean Peninsula:
- (a) He intended to amend North Korea's constitution to define its territorial land, air, and water
- (b) The "illegal" Northern Limit Line would not be tolerated
- (c) Any infringement on North Korea's territory would be regarded as a war provocation
- (d) If war broke out on the Korean Peninsula, North Korea would occupy, subjugate, and reclaim the southern part of the peninsula and annex it as a part of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK).
(2) Defying South Korea's Cultural Influence
Despite Kim's aggressive statements, North Korea is, overall, on the defensive. Kim is attempting to solidify the division of the Korean Peninsula and prevent the influx of South Korean culture into North Korea as a means of ensuring the maintenance of his regime.
Compared to North Korea, South Korea has about twice the population, 60 times the gross domestic product, 890 times the trade volume, and 10 times the defense spending. The average life expectancy of people in South Korean is 8 years longer for men and 7.3 years longer for women than their North Korean counterparts. Considering this, a significant number of people in North Korea have expressed a desire for Korean unification. In a survey of North Korean defectors conducted by the Institute for Peace and Unification Studies at Seoul National University between 2011 and 2020, when asked, "To what extent do you think North Korean residents want the unification of North and South Korea?" the number of respondents who answered "very much" remained at around 80 percent, or 84.5 percent in 2018 and 79.1 percent in 2019. The top two reasons for that positive answer were that the life of North Korean residents would improve and that North and South Koreans were the same people. Moreover, when asked how unification should be achieved, the percentage of respondents who answered, "Under the South Korean system," remained 30 to 50 percent, "Regardless of the system," ranged from 20 to 35 percent, and "A compromise between the North and South systems" from 15 to 30 percent over the target period.
Against that backdrop, North Korea's political leadership has become increasingly concerned about the influence of South Korean culture, such as K-pop music, and South Korean Korean dramas and movies, on the North Korean people. Specifically, Pyongyang is attempting to curb the influence of South Korean culture by enacting the "Reactionary Thought and Culture Exclusion Law" in 2020, the "Youth Culture Security Law" in 2021, and the "Pyongyang Standard Language Protection Law" in 2023, respectively. The "Reactionary Thought and Culture Exclusion Law" aims to prevent the influx of South Korean cultural products into North Korea; the "Youth Culture Security Law" aims to control the thoughts of youth influenced by foreign culture; and the "Pyongyang Cultural Language Protection Law" aims to eliminate the use of Korean-style language and other expressions. More recently, North Korean authorities have reportedly begun offering forgiveness to North Koreans who watched South Korean TV dramas and movies if they honestly confess to having seen them. That is an indication that the North Korean authorities are no longer able to stop the influx of South Korean culture. Against this backdrop, Kim Jong-un has positioned South Korea as "a foreign country and the most hostile state," and accused South Korea of "getting more vicious and arrogant in the madcap confrontational racket." One of the key objectives of Kim Jong-un's anti-unification policy of strengthening division is to make North Korea less susceptible to South Korean influence.
Of course, not all North Korean citizens are influenced by Korean culture. According to the survey conducted by South Korea's Ministry of Unification on North Koreans who defected to South Korea between 2001 and 2005, the number of North Koreans who had watched "visual materials from outside North Korea" has increased from 29.7 percent of those who defected between 2001 and 2005, to 67.6 percent of those who defected between 2006 and 2010, to 81.4 percent of those who defected between 2011 and 2015, and to 83.3 percent of those who defected between 2016 and 2020. However, the vast majority, or 71.8 percent, of them mainly viewed Chinese materials while 23.1 percent of them mainly viewed South Korean materials. (2.4 percent of them mainly viewed Russian materials, and 1.7 percent the materials from the United States.) That means that 19.2 percent of North Koreans who defected between 2016 and 2020 have been fairly exposed to Korean cultural products. It is not clear whether that figure should be considered large or small, or how much of an impact it will have on North Korean politics and society. What remains to be seen is whether South Korean culture will change the North Korean regime in a way that economic sanctions have not.
(3) Suggesting Possible Military Actions
While expressing concerns about South Korean influence, Kim Jong-un has also made aggressive statements towards South Korea. Of Kim Jong-un's statements, the following are particularly noteworthy.
As the southern border of our country has been clearly drawn, the illegal "northern limit line [sic]" and any other boundary can never be tolerated, and if the ROK violates even 0.001 mm of our territorial land, air and waters, it will be considered a war provocation. In this regard, I think it is necessary to revise some contents of the Constitution of the DPRK. I have already recalled at the recent plenary meeting that the so-called constitution of the ROK openly stipulates that "the territory of the ROK covers the Korean peninsula and its attached islands."
....
There is no provision specifying such definition in the existing constitution of our country. …. …it is necessary to take legal steps to legitimately and correctly define the territorial sphere where the sovereignty of the DPRK as an independent socialist nation is exercised.
The Northern Limit Line is a quasi-maritime borderline between the two Koreas first drawn by the United Nations Command in 1953. The Northern Limit Line remains disputed because while South Korea regards it as legally binding, North Korea does not. Kim Jong-un's remarks have increased the likelihood that tensions will intensify in the Yellow Sea. In January of this year, the New York Times reported that North Korea "could take some form of lethal military action against South Korea in the coming months," based on the information provided by US government officials.2
Given the extreme difficulty of predicting North Korea's actions, we cannot rule out the possibility that North Korea may intentionally lead the countries concerned to focus their attention on the Northern Limit Line and take military action elsewhere. In May, South Korea's Ministry of Foreign Affairs raised the terrorism alert level for five South Korean embassies and consulates in Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Vladivostok, and Shenyang from the fourth, lowest level to the second highest level. South Korean intelligence authorities have reportedly received information that North Korea may harm South Korean personnel at its diplomatic missions overseas. There are other possibilities to be considered. North Korea could use force in the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) or Joint Security Area (JSA), carry out limited attacks against South Korea with artillery shells or rockets, or conduct nuclear tests under the sea or in the air.
(4) Cyberattacks
Cyberattacks are offensive tools of low physical intensity but highly important to North Korea. North Korea stole an estimated $1.7 billion in crypto assets through cyberattacks in 2022, more than three times the amount stolen the previous year and a record high. The following year, 2023, the total amount stolen is estimated to be about $1.0 billion.3
2016 | 2017 | 2018 | 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Number of hacks | 1 | 4 | 10 | 9 | 5 | 9 | 15 | 20 |
Total value stolen | 2 | 29 | 522 | 271 | 300 | 429 | 1,700 | 1,000 |
North Korea's military spending in 2019 was estimated by the US State Department at $4.31 billion, so one can assume that North Korea has been earning about a quarter to a third of its military spending through cyberattacks in recent years, which shows how important cyberattacks have become to North Korea. It was also recently discovered that North Korean hackers attacked 10 South Korean defense-related companies during at least one month from October 2022 and three months from April 2023. Those incidents indicate that North Korea's cyberattacks are becoming more active in two areas: foreign currency acquisition and military technology acquisition.
Despite those successes, it is also worth noting that the amount of foreign currency earned has decreased significantly from 2022 to 2023. If the Chainalysis' estimates are accurate, the significant decrease in foreign currency acquisition must have been a major blow to North Korea.
(5) Russo-North Korea Cooperation
Closer Russia-North Korea cooperation is also helping North Korea. Russia's procurement of ammunition and missiles from North Korea is of great benefit to North Korea. According to South Korea's Ministry of National Defense, North Korea transferred more than 6,700 containers to Russia from the end of August 2023 to the end of February 2024. The number of artillery shells provided by North Korea is estimated to be more than 3 million rounds of 152mm shells, more than 500,000 rounds of 122mm rockets fired by multiple rocket launchers, or a mixture of both. North Korea's munitions factories typically operate at a low operating rate of about 30 percent due to material and power shortages, but currently the artillery shell manufacturing plant is operating at full capacity.
In return for military supplies, North Korea has obtained foreign currency, energy, and military equipment and technology from Russia. Since August 2023, Russia has reportedly sent North Korea approximately 8,000 containers loaded with food, daily necessities, and materials and parts needed to manufacture weapons, as well as satellite-related technology. North Korea is also seeking to acquire technology related to aircraft and mobile ground equipment from Russia. In addition, according to the US government, in March of this year, Russia sent over 165,000 barrels of refined oil to North Korea, which is inappropriate in light of the UN Security Council's annual import limit of 500,000 barrels of refined oil. Moreover, in April 2024, Russia vetoed the continuation of the UN Security Council Panel of Experts that had been monitoring the implementation of sanctions against North Korea, further curtailing the implementation of sanctions.
2 South Korea: Defensive on Nuclear Issues and Offensive in Other Arenas
While North Korea is on the defensive strategically, South Korea is stepping up its military and diplomatic offensive against North Korea.
(1) Strengthening U.S.-Korea and Japan-U.S.-Korea security
South Korea's most important move on the military front has been the strengthening of security cooperation with the United States as well as with the United States and Japan. The United States agreed to strengthen the extended nuclear deterrence it provided to South Korea in the Washington Declaration in April 2023. In August, the United States, South Korea, and Japan pledged to strengthen their trilateral security cooperation in the summit meeting among their top leaders. The Washington Declaration called for the establishment of the Nuclear Consultative Group, and the leaders of the three countries agreed to (a) conduct combined military exercises, (b) strengthen ballistic missile defense cooperation, and (c) establish a trilateral working group on combating North Korean cyber activities. Based on those agreements, the United States, South Korea, and Japan have been working to step up their security cooperation. The three countries have conducted combined exercises on ballistic missile defense, anti-submarine warfare, and air operations, all of which are important areas that would play central roles in Korean contingencies. It is noteworthy that from the beginning the three countries are promoting cooperation in those core areas.
In the first combined formation flight exercise in October 2023, one B-52 bomber and three F-16 fighters from the United States, two F-15K fighters from South Korea, and four F-2 fighters from Japan participated. All of the aircraft had strike capabilities, and their coordinated flight sent a strong message to North Korea. At the end of 2023, the United States, South Korea, and Japan created a system with which to share North Korea's missile launch information in real-time. The establishment of the automated information-sharing system, instead of a system that involved manual operations, reduced the time required for information sharing and institutionalized security cooperation among the United States, South Korea, and Japan. Finally, in the cyber area, a trilateral working group on North Korea's cyber activities has been established, with the first meeting held in November 2023, and further meetings to be held every three months.
(2) South Korea's Defense Spending and Arms Exports
According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), South Korea's defense spending in 2023 was the 11th largest in the world at $47.9 billion, about 10 times larger than North Korea's defense spending. According to SIPRI, South Korea's arms exports in 2019-2023 were the 10th largest in the world, and its arms exports in 2023 amounted to about 600 million based on SIPRI's trend-indicator values (TIV), or about 2 percent of the world's total arms exports of about 29.1 billion TIV.4
Year | 2016 | 2017 | 2018 | 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
TIV | 437 | 702 | 1,049 | 682 | 772 | 510 | 204 | 621 |
Although TIV does not represent sales values of arms exports, it tends to be relatively close to the actual sales value. Therefore, it is reasonable to estimate that South Korea transferred about $204 million worth of arms overseas in 2022 and about $621 million in 2023.5 Moreover, in 2023, South Korea's arms export partners tripled to 12 countries from the previous year, and the number of types of weapons to be exported doubled to 12. Undoubtedly, South Korea is no less important than North Korea as an arms exporter.
Finally, South Korea is playing a role of supporting Ukraine though indirectly. First, while Poland provides arms to Ukraine, South Korea will provide arms to Poland to fill the gap. Second, South Korea's sale of 330,000 155 mm artillery shells to the United States has enabled the United States to provide artillery shells to Ukraine. Although North Korea's arms support to Russia has become more prominent because South Korea has not provided arms directly to Ukraine, it should not be forgotten that South Korea also plays a role in the war in Ukraine.
(3) Diplomatic Offensives
In February 2024, South Korea established diplomatic relations with Cuba, with which North Korea has long maintained the closest diplomatic ties, and in April agreed to establish diplomatic missions. South Korea will likely seek to drive a wedge in the relations between North Korea and Cuba by bolstering its business activities and providing economic assistance to Cuba.
In response to the termination of the UN Security Council's Panel of Experts to monitor sanctions against North Korea, the United States, South Korea, and Japan are working together to consider alternatives. Specifically, three options are reportedly being considered: (a) adopt a new resolution to establish a panel of experts at the UN General Assembly, (b) continue similar work outside the United Nations, and (c) have the UN Secretariat undertake similar work.6 The US State Department is also working with South Korea, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and others to impose sanctions on individuals and entities involved in the arms and refined oil trade between Russia and North Korea.
Conclusion
Relations between North and South Korea have entered a phase of heated competition again, and the future of the Korean Peninsula has become uncertain. However, it is also unclear how things will develop going forward. In that context, three points require attention. First, there is a question of whether North Korea will seek to stabilize inter-Korean relations in order to consolidate the division of the two Koreas, or whether it will take aggressive actions in order to put South Korea on the defensive. The competition between North and South Korea will intensify, but it is not clear whether it will be quiet or noisy. Similarly, we do not know whether North Korea's future coercive actions will be directed to South Korea, the United States, or to both. As Kim Jong-un mentioned the Northern Limit Line in his speech, military action could take place in the Yellow Sea. The Northern Limit Line is jointly controlled by US and South Korean forces, but there are some differences between the United States and South Korea regarding its legal status.7 If North Korea takes action to challenge the Northern Limit Line's legitimacy, it could be designed to highlight the differences between the United States and South Korea. In any case, North Korea's future actions will gradually reveal Pyongyang's intentions.
Second, how long North Korea's confrontational posture will last remains to be seen. North Korea is currently showing a confrontational stance toward South Korea and the United States, but will it continue to do so if, for example, there is a change of government in South Korea or if Donald Trump becomes president of the United States? North Korea's past behavior shows that, contrary to its hardline rhetoric, the government in Pyongyang has been extremely flexible in changing its policy directions. The two Koreas have repeated confrontation and reconciliation, and military actions and summit talks. Similarly, the United States and North Korea have engaged in confrontations and dialogues, and military coercions and high-level talks. It is also noteworthy that while North Korea has adopted a confrontational stance toward both the United States and South Korea, it has recently made overtures to Japan. North Korea might again attempt to drive a wedge among the United States, South Korea, and Japan.
Finally, the question is how South Korea will react to Kim Jong-un's new policy. If North Korea abandons unification and turns to consolidating the division of the two Koreas, it may mean that peaceful coexistence between the two Koreas will become a realistic option. In that regard, South Korean people's attitude towards unification is important. According to the public opinion poll conducted by the Seoul National University's Institute for Peace and Unification Studies in 2023, the percentage of respondents who thought that unification was unnecessary was 29.8 percent, the highest figure since the survey began in 2007. Moreover, only 28.2 percent of those aged 19 to 29 answered that unification was necessary, while 41.3 percent of them said that unification was unnecessary. The percentage of respondents who said they preferred unification to occur gradually as conditions matured was the lowest ever at 45.2 percent, while the percentage of those who said they preferred the status quo of divided North and South Korea was the highest ever at 28.2 percent. Furthermore, the largest number of respondents, or 33.3 percent, answered that unification was impossible, and 30.2 percent of them thought it would take more than 30 years. In other words, since most South Koreans no longer want a burdensome unification in the first place, it would be a realistic policy option for South Korea to move in the direction of abandoning unification as well. However, if South Korea perceives North Korea's policy shift as a sign of weakness, it might decide to exert more pressure on North Korea in order to undermine Kim Jong-un's government in Pyongyang.
(Executive Vice President and Professor at the GRIPS)
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- Front Cover
- Changes in the Security Environment Surrounding Japan - Shifting Power Balance and the Three Front Threats Ken Jimbo
- How Will "Japan Contingencies" Emerge? Osamu Onoda
- The Japan-US Alliance Revisited: Is it Dependable? Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki
- A New Phase of Defense Diplomacy and Defense Production and Technology Base Ippeita Nishida, Tsuneo Watanabe
- Intelligence Activities in the Post-Ukraine War Era Jun Nagashima
- Responding to the Nuclear Threat Masashi Murano
- No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities - Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland? - Ryoichi Oriki
- Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi
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- June 2022, "Why War Occurs in Europe?--The Structural Transformation of the European Security Order in the Post-Cold War Era --" written by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
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- March 2022, "On Economic Security" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the Ntional Defense Academy
- March 2022, ""Economic Security" and the Review of the 2013 NSS and the Related Strategy Documents" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, the University of Tokyo
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- December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
- December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shunji Hiraiwa, Professor, Nanzan University.
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- September 2021, "The Development of Regional Security Architecture: From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific" written by Ken Jimbo, Professor, Keio University.
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- August 2021, "Security in the Indian Ocean Region---Implication of the Galwan Incident for QUAD in the Indo-Pacific" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao, Fellow (Non-Resident), Hudson Institute.
- August 2021, "Easternization and Security in Asia" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- July 2021, "The Ideas of "Autonomy" and "Self-Reliance" in Contemporary India's Foreign Strategy" written by Kazutoshi TAMARI, Associate Professor,Chukyo University.
- July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
- July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
- July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
- June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
- June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
- June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
- June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
- May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
- May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election-American Democracy Now-" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries-Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?-" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy-" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations-The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
-
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
-
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation -
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan -
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) -
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
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Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki?Project-Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films-" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- July 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no2" (How Has South Korea Changed under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration?) in English edition was published.
- April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
- December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.