No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities
-Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland?-
Aiming at completing the revision by this year-end of three key security policy documents, including the National Security Strategy (NSS), deliberations in the Japanese government are in full swing. There is an upsurge in public and media concern about this topic. In his book "A Study in History," English historian Arnold Toynbee states to the effect that a common trait of losers in human history is that they failed to notice changes; even if they did, they failed to respond. The security environment in, among other areas, East Asia is undergoing a dramatic transformation. In this context, the Japanese government is working proactively on revising the three strategic documents with a substantive shift in Japan's defense policy in mind. Drastic reinforcement of defense capabilities is a major issue to be addressed through revising these documents. This article is intended to provide timely insights into relevant challenges and responses.
2. Transformation of Japan's Defense Policy and Its Challenges
When considering Japan's postwar defense policy, the three pieces of policy decided by the Miki Cabinet (December 1974-December 1976) had a lasting impact. In February 1976, the Diet approved a broader interpretation of the "Three Principles on Arms Exports"; in October 1976, the Basic Defense Force Concept (National Defense Program Guidelines for FY1977 and beyond) was formulated; in November of the same year, the defense budget was set at 1% of GNP. The defense policy decided in the latter half of the so-called detente period did not undergo substantive discussion or fundamental reform in the last half a century but effectively remains intact, although there was revision and abrogation 1 along the way.
The NDPG was first formulated in 1976 following the Fourth Defense Build-up Plan (1972) and has been revised five times since then. The NDPG for FY1977 and beyond advocated the Basic Defense Force Concept based on the Beyond-the-Threat Theory. The NDPG for FY2011 and beyond under the DJP (Democratic Party of Japan) administration specified building a "dynamic defense force" that emphasizes mobility and readiness of forces, aiming at changing the Basic Defense Force Concept. In 2013 and 2018, the NDPGs formulated under the Abe Cabinet proposed a "dynamic joint defense force" and "multidimensional integrated defense force," respectively, and aimed at the alignment of the three branches of the Japan Self Defense Forces (JSDF), as well as the fusion of space, cyber, and JSDF capabilities in all domains. However, under the restraint of a defense budget of roughly 1% of GNP, the actual defense buildup had to be undertaken in conformity with the Basic Defense Force Concept. The revision of the three strategic documents, through which defense buildup may be substantively discussed and changed, will therefore have historical significance for Japan's defense policy.
3. Current Security Environment and Challenges
On October 12, 2022, the Biden administration released its "National Security Strategy." The document identified China as the only competitor in terms of economic, diplomatic, military, and technological capabilities and gave the China issue a top priority. It also stated that Russia is an imminent threat to the international system, highlighted the Sino-Russian alignment, and adopted a policy line of "maintaining a sustained competitive edge over China while keeping a dangerous Russia at bay." 2
Meanwhile, at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held in October 2022, General Secretary Xi Jinping was confirmed for a third term; China will accelerate its pursuit of the national goal of "leading the world in terms of composite national strength and international influence by the middle of the century," predicated on strengthening the centralized state regime. Concerning Taiwan, the revised CPC constitution enunciates that "the Party resolutely opposes and deters what it calls separatists seeking Taiwan independence." The unification of Taiwan with China is Xi Jinping's long-cherished wish. The situation surrounding Taiwan will be increasingly tense.
Given the above, it is foreseeable that the US-China relationship, which has a significant impact on international relations, will be primarily a harsh competition rather than cooperation, and the turmoil in the global order will likely be prolonged.
(Security Environment Surrounding Japan)
Japan is an outpost witnessing the US-China confrontation and military tension in Asia. This year marks the 10th anniversary of the nationalization of the Senkaku Islands. China incorporated the China Coast Guard into its armed police force in 2018. Under the Central Military Commission of the CPC, the CCG has increased pressure by repeatedly intruding into Japan's contiguous waters and territorial waters while enlarging the size and armament of its fleets. In August 2022, in response to a visit to Taiwan by US Speaker of the House Pelosi, China repeated military drills in an intimidating manner in the waters near Taiwan; five ballistic missiles it fired landed in Japan's EEZ. The Taiwan Strait issue is an urgent security challenge for Japan.
North Korea has, in recent years, made particular strides in improving its missile capabilities. As for its missile technology, North Korea has improved secrecy and immediacy associated with missile launching by firing missiles from TELs, railroad cars, and submarines. The country has developed irregular trajectory missiles and hypersonic glide missiles with an improved BMD-penetrating capability. It is also developing long-range missiles with a range reaching all of North America. In response to the recent resumption of US-ROK joint live-fire exercises, North Korea has thus far conducted a total of 28 rounds of missile launches―10 rounds since September 25 with an unusually high frequency (as of October 31). These are proof of North Korea's increased offensive capabilities. It is alarming to Japan that on October 4, North Korea's medium-range ballistic missile flew over its territory for the first time in five years and landed in the Pacific Ocean, allegedly traveling 4,600 kilometers―the longest-ever distance covered by a similar missile fired by North Korea. There are concerns about a seventh nuclear test by the North.
Russia has deployed on Japan's Northern Territories Su-35S fighter jets and new surface-to-ship and surface-to-air missiles. We must keep a watchful eye on the developments of the Russian military, including its cooperation and joint activities with China while staying vigilant against its aggression in Ukraine.
4. What Should We Learn from the Ukraine War?
On February 24, 2022, Russian President Putin announced the implementation of a "special military operation" aimed at, among other things, protecting the population of the Donbas region and launched aggression against Ukraine. This unilateral Russian aggression began with hybrid warfare, including information warfare, and shifted to high-intensity ground warfare. While the fierce battle is raging in Ukraine, Moscow has gone so far as to threaten the possible use of nuclear arms. The Ukraine war threatens the international community not only on the military front but also in social life. It is quite natural that the Japanese public is becoming increasingly aware of national security and defense issues.
(Russia's Miscalculations and Lessons from the Ukraine War)
Russia's primary miscalculation was its belief that it could quickly demilitarize and neutralize Ukraine. However, Russia's speculations have proved wrong thanks to the commendable leadership of President Zelensky, the strength of the Ukrainian troops, and the Ukrainian people's adamant will to resist. The United States and European countries are imposing concerted economic sanctions against Russia, continuing to provide military support for Ukraine. On the other hand, it is an undeniable fact that Ukraine failed to deter the invasion by Russian forces. Many of its citizens have left the country, while enormous human and material losses are growing domestically. These suggest the importance of deterrence to discourage the opponent from an invasion and the importance of having allies who share common interests.
When Russia unilaterally annexed the Crimea in southern Ukraine in 2014, Ukraine completely lost the hybrid warfare, including cyber-attacks. Since then, the Ukrainian government and critical infrastructure companies have been endeavoring to improve cyber defense capabilities, and now public-private alignment is functioning. Support from foreign governments and corporations, including the United States, the United Kingdom, and Estonia, has been helping prevent cyber-attack damages. 3
Moreover, Ukraine, anticipating another Russian invasion, strengthened its military, reinstated conscription in 2015, and conducted military training for future mobilization. Ukraine has demonstrated the importance of preparedness, whether by non-military or military means, through the eight years of military buildup since the Crimean annexation.
5. Transformation of Military Power and Combat Style
(Nuclear Deterrence and Credibility)
Regarding the Ukraine war, expert circles had discussed the threat of using nuclear weapons and the reliability of nuclear deterrence even before hostile actions began. Turning to Asia, China's nuclear arsenal is likely to acquire at least 1,000 nuclear warheads by 2030. The country allegedly possesses about 2,200 ground-launched medium-range missiles, including ballistic and cruise missiles. These missiles have a range covering all of Japan and Guam, constituting a crucial factor upsetting the balance of power between the United States and China. In Asia, the United States is facing a situation in which the US military's forward-deployment and force-projection capabilities could be circumscribed. Given Russia's actions in Ukraine and the development by China and North Korea of ballistic missiles as a vehicle to deliver nuclear weapons, Japan needs to have deep discussions with the United States in extended deterrence talks, assuming that nuclear weapons could be used as an offensive force rather than as intimidation.
(China's Strengthening Military Power and Changing Situations)
Over the past three decades, China has continuously increased its defense spending at a high level and has extensively and rapidly strengthened the quality and quantity of its military power—particularly its nuclear and missile forces, alongside naval and air forces, aiming to develop the PLA into a world-class military by the middle of the 21st century, thereby rivaling or surpassing the US military. To such an end, the "intelligentization" of the military is a prerequisite; China seems to aim to build an army that could "fight and win over" the US military in the "intelligentized warfare" 4 in the future. 5
In recent years, China seems to be seeking to enhance its A2/AD capabilities to build operational capabilities in more distant maritime and airspace areas. As part of this effort, it has rapidly expanded and intensified its activities, "normalizing" its advance into the Western Pacific. According to data prepared by the US Indo-Pacific Command, China's military sphere of influence as of 2025 will likely extend to the Western Pacific; the balance of forces between the United States and China will tilt in favor of China. 6 The era in which the US military used to secure overwhelming air and sea superiority in the Western Pacific is passing. An acute necessity is felt to adopt strategies and operations based on this assumption. This is a vital challenge for the Japan-US alliance; Japan's defense operations under the threat of China's A2/AD umbrella will have to review the roles of shield and spear between Japan and the United States while always keeping US military operations in mind.
(The Principle of Preparing for High-Intensity Warfare)
In conventional armed warfare, on top of hybrid warfare including cyber warfare, information warfare that sends out and proliferates disinformation—efforts to "win without fighting, or make victory easier" have been pursued. Meanwhile, the current operations in Ukraine consist of ground battles using conventional forces and firepower. Non-military means, such as cyber warfare, are increasingly employed alongside traditional military ones. Yet the Ukraine war indicates that troops are the mainstay of any battle and that non-military means are significant as long as they can support the troops. 7 So-called hybrid warfare occupies a crucial position in contemporary warfare, but the result of ground battles will ultimately determine the fate of war. Adequate preparedness for war requires a broad range of military and non-military preparations, always considering high-intensity warfare as the archetype of modern warfare, even as the times change.
(Evolution of Cutting-Edge Technologies and Changes in Combat Style)
We are at the threshold of a "great turning point" in which superiority in technological capabilities, particularly cutting-edge technologies, will directly affect international order and security. On the military front, intensive efforts are undertaken by different countries to develop game-changing equipment employing cutting-edge technologies. For example, unmanned technology combined with AI will take future military operations into a completely different dimension from what we have experienced to date. In the military conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in 2020, some self-destructing attack drones were confirmed to have been employed. Chinese drones are frequently operating in Taiwan and around the Senkaku Islands; the situation demands a strict response from our side. In non-military areas, research and development and practical use of space, stealth technology, supersonic high energy, etc. are remarkable. The combat style is changing; it is time to prepare for new trends.
6. Drastic Reinforcement of Defense Capabilities
As discussed earlier, the security environment is currently undergoing vital changes. We should recognize that it is daily and rapidly becoming severer and that anything could happen depending on the design of the adversary. Moreover, Japan's position as an archipelagic nation is losing its security advantage due to the sophistication of military equipment by other countries. It is high time for Japan to build a security system with defense capabilities at its nucleus by mustering the nation's comprehensive strength. There is no time to lose for Japan to improve its defense capabilities.
Prime Minister Kishida expressed his determination in a Japan-US joint statement in May of this year to consider every possible defense option, including the capability to counter missile threats and to, for this purpose, drastically strengthen Japan's defense capabilities and secure a substantial increase in defense spending. He mentioned on various occasions that his administration will fundamentally reinforce Japan's defense capabilities, the ultimate guarantee of national security, within the next five years.
The Japanese public's awareness of defense is also rising in response to the Ukraine war and changes in the security environment around Japan. According to an October poll by the Yomiuri Shimbun, about 70% of respondents were in favor of increasing defense capabilities. As for the increase of defense spending to 2% of GNP, the financial resources necessary for this measure become more of a focus than its necessity.
(Defense Objectives and the New Directionality of Defense Capabilities)
According to the Ministry of Defense's handout for an October 20 meeting of the "Advisory Panel to Comprehensively Discuss Defense Capabilities as National Strength," "Given the current security environment, Japan needs to become a nation possessing defense capabilities to discourage an adversary from invading Japan. Japan's defense objective should be to deter unilateral changes in the status quo by force. If deterrence is neutralized, Japan should assume primary responsibility for dealing with any invasion of Japan and should, with support from allied nations, prevent or eliminate such an attempt." The document also sets forth "the new directionality of defense capabilities to adopt a new style of combat: the buildup of practical core defense capabilities; an expansion in quality and quantity of new domains such as space and cyber; standoff defense capabilities, unmanned asset defense capabilities, etc."
The premises for the formulation of a defense strategy and for defense buildup are, in general, to clarify the purpose and need of defense capabilities and to gain the correct insights into who are current and future adversaries; what are their capabilities and designs; the future of the Japan-US alliance. Especially since the designs of adversaries are hard to clarify, we should build up defense capabilities based on a prospect for future situations and on a worst-case scenario. In other words, we must first harmonize defense buildup with the state strategy and the operational concept of the JSDF. For this purpose, a state defense strategy and a joint strategy of the JSDF must be formulated, replacing the current national defense program guidelines. Of course, the role sharing between the JSDF and the US military is essential. Ultimately, it is necessary to go back to the fundamental principle of defense buildup and to promote close coordination between the following factors: the deployment, formation, and equipment of units; SDF's human resources applicable to new domains of activity; systems programs; the size of stockpiles; education and training; and recruitment, thereby developing practical defense capabilities in the real sense of the word.
(Drastic Reinforcement of Defense Capabilities)
Defense capabilities must be drastically strengthened to be capable of deterring threats and of responding to actual warfare. To this end, it is primarily necessary to examine the existing land, sea, and air defense capabilities and then to first of all compensate and improve the shortcomings. In doing so, we must not forget not only to reinforce particular fields and functions but also to raise the military potential of the JSDF as a whole, from front-line units to logistics units. Specifically, the following may be areas for urgent improvement: a command and control system for each branch of the JSDF and their integration; an information system directly related to operations; a transportation system that enables rapid mobility of personnel and goods throughout Japan; ammunition reserves and ammunition depots necessary to enhance war sustainability; the improvement of the operational availability of defense equipment by securing equipment parts; and the improvement of survivability by upgrading base and airfield facilities.
Secondly, high-priority defense capabilities should include stand-off defense capabilities; comprehensive air and missile defense capabilities; unmanned asset defense capabilities; cross-domain operational capabilities; command and control and intelligence-related functions; maneuvering and deployment capability; and sustainability and resiliency—listed by the Ministry of Defense as the seven pillars of its FY2023 budget request. Rather than only examining these defense capabilities by function, it is necessary to interrelate and develop them comprehensively to make them workable. The following functional areas should be given higher priority: (1) a command and control system that enables effective joint operations; (2) an information system that supports timely and prompt operations, which should be given overriding priority as the key to successful operations; (3) stand-off defense capabilities to strengthen deterrence commensurate with Japan's security environment, which should be assigned to the three branches of the JSDF as part of counterattack capabilities; for whose development Japanese technology will be made the most of; and for whose procurement, cooperation with the US military will be needed; (4) under the circumstances where the balance of forces between the United States and China is tilting in favor of China, airports, sea ports, and harbors available from peacetime and scattered in the Nansei Islands, Southern Kyushu, and Shikoku should be improved to enhance combat sustainability and survivability of naval vessels and aircraft, or from the perspective of collaboration with US forces; (5) the promotion of the use of space, such as small-satellite constellations for observation, detection, and communication.
Thirdly comes the development and enhancement of the defense industrial base to support the above defense efforts. In the case of Japan, the defense industry is responsible for the entire life cycle of defense equipment ranging from technological research and development, production, maintenance, and performance improvement to decommissioning; in this sense, the activities of the JSDF and the defense industry are inseparable. There is an urgent need to improve and promote measures to maintain and strengthen the defense production and technology base, with the renewed awareness that the defense industry is a force for national defense. Furthermore, the Japanese government should take the initiative in promoting transferring defense equipment and technology from a national strategic perspective.
Fourthly comes the establishment of an optimum R&D system and the swift development of defense equipment. Technological capability, particularly cutting-edge technology, is one of the most cardinal pillars of national security; if Japan falls behind in this area, its national security will be in jeopardy. Primarily, a mechanism for cooperation between industry, government, and academia in dual technology development should be established and given top priority. In addition, to acquire cutting-edge technologies that will be game changers for the military, it is vital to incorporate into national strategy new domain technologies like AI and quantum technologies, and cultivate and utilize them as technologies unique to our country. However, no matter how excellent results come from R&D efforts, it would mean nothing if those technologies failed to be converted into defense equipment. In Japan, shortening the development period of defense equipment is a problem; at the same time, the acquisition of defense equipment following the long-established renewal-after-wear procedure is a time-consuming process, obliging the JSDF units to combat with obsolete, outdated equipment. It is essential to secure the flexibility of the whole process of defense equipment acquisition by reviewing the budget system and to further promote efforts such as spiralization and modularization, which aim for the deployment of prototype equipment—if passing muster—to the units and for its mass production, even if the equipment in question is still in an R&D stage or being developed in some academic research work.
Fifthly comes the strengthening of the overriding human resource base to ultimately support and promote the above efforts. Human resources are the foundation of the JSDF or a key element contributing to its combat sustainability. Unmanned equipment could not do all human work. It takes time to train and educate SDF personnel. In this era of declining birth rates, recruiting competent SDF personnel is very hard, and the JSDF faces difficulties in strengthening human defense capability. Currently, the Ministry of Defense prioritizes the elimination of the gap between capacity and enrollment. In parallel with this, the Ministry must secure experts, including civilians, in new domains such as space and cyber and improve the potential of the JSDF. Another way to secure a substantial amount of manpower is to systemically utilize retired SDF officers, who can not only serve in highly specialized jobs in contingencies but also supplement active SDF personnel in peacetime in such work by using their experience and knowledge as recruitment, logistic support like supply and maintenance, exercise area management, and the management of garrisons and bases. They are suitable for such work.
Defense capability improvement cannot be done overnight but will take a long time. It took even a militarily expanding China 20 to 30 years to have built up its military capability to the current level through continuous budgetary investment. In addition to the short-term intensive efforts to strengthen its defense capabilities, Japan needs to acquire a long-term perspective. What is in need in this connection is strong political leadership and a coherent national strategy. Japan's defense buildup has been confined by budgetary limits into only what was possible under the limitations. Unquestionably, we must develop defense capabilities with limited resources. Yet, the times are changing drastically. Japan's future will be endangered unless the Japanese government takes concerted action to protect the people and safeguard the national interest, however severe the situation may be. The present author wishes that Japan's defense buildup will proceed steadily, continuously, and speedily. What matters is what should be done, not what could be.
(Former Chief of Staff, Joint Staff, Former Land General)
(Translation by Tsutomu Inuzuka)
- September, 2023, " A Medium- to Long-Term Outlook for the US Economy―Can America Win the Competition with China?―" by Tatsuhiko Yoshizaki, Chief Economist, Sojitz Research Institute, Ltd.
- September, 2023, " China's Strategy toward the U.S " by Toshiya Tsugami, Adjunct Researcher, the Japan Institute of International Affairs
- September, 2023, " The Deepening Security Dilemma in US-China Relations " by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
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- June, 2023, "Mechanisms and Functions of Nuclear Deterrence－Development of US Nuclear Strategic Theory" by Masashi Murano, Research Fellow of Hudson Institute
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- March, 2023, "The Russo-Ukrainian War and the British Response: 2014-2023" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- March, 2023, "Where is America Heading—Implications and Challenges for the Allies" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
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- Front Cover
- Changes in the Security Environment Surrounding Japan - Shifting Power Balance and the Three Front Threats Ken Jimbo
- How Will "Japan Contingencies" Emerge? Osamu Onoda
- The Japan-US Alliance Revisited: Is it Dependable? Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki
- A New Phase of Defense Diplomacy and Defense Production and Technology Base Ippeita Nishida, Tsuneo Watanabe
- Intelligence Activities in the Post-Ukraine War Era Jun Nagashima
- Responding to the Nuclear Threat Masashi Murano
- No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities - Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland? - Ryoichi Oriki
- Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi
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- October 2022, "Military Strategy of Xi Jinping's China" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasagawa Peace Foundation
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- September 2022, "The Relationship between Domestic Politics and Diplomacy under the Xi Jinping Administration- Why Were the Large-Scale Military Exercises Decided?" written by Chisako T. Masuo, Professor, Kyushu University
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- July 2022, "The Ukraine War and Security in East Asia" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2022, "How Will the Ukraine War Change the New US-China Cold War?" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, the University of Tokyo
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- June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
- June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
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- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
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- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.