G7 Hiroshima Summit and Efforts for a Safer World
Without Nuclear Weapons
The G7 Hiroshima Summit 2023 concluded, and numerous policy documents were issued, including the "G7 Leaders' Hiroshima Vision on Nuclear Disarmament." 1 As Japan hosted the summit in Hiroshima, the first city to experience atomic bombing, people expected many world leaders to offer prayers at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park and visit the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum 2 to deepen their understanding of the realities of nuclear devastation and convey their messages. The summit also needed to address the escalating risk of actual nuclear weapon use due to the deteriorating situation caused by Russia's aggression in Ukraine, the expanding nuclear forces and growing nuclear salience, the erosion of arms control regimes, the deterioration of regional security environments, and the increasing risks of proliferation of nuclear weapons.
Given these challenges on the two fronts, the Hiroshima Vision, a comprehensive and substantive document specifically focused on nuclear disarmament at the G7 leaders' level, holds historical significance. Additionally, not only the G7 leaders but also many other world leaders, including those from the invited countries, offered prayers for peace and stability, visited the Memorial Museum, and deepened their understanding of the realities of the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. These actions can be seen as an immediate implementation of the Vision.
The guest book at the Memorial Museum contains the sentiments of all G7 members, with messages such as "No words can describe the horror and suffering of the people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki" (UK Prime Minister Sunak), "Historic occasion of the G7 Summit to realize a world without nuclear weapons" (Prime Minister Kishida), "Together, let us continue to make progress toward the day when we can finally and forever rid the world of nuclear weapons" (US President Biden), "To act in favour of peace, the only fight worth fighting" (President Macron of France), and "A nuclear war must never be fought again" (German Chancellor Schultz). 3
Prime Minister Kishida made it clear in his inaugural policy speech to the Diet in October 2021, "As a prime minister hailing from Hiroshima, the site of an atomic bombing, what I strive for is a world free of nuclear weapons. Making use of ‘The Group of Eminent Persons (for Substantive Advancement of Nuclear Disarmament)' 4 5 that I launched, Japan will serve as a mediator bridging the gap between nuclear weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states, discharging its responsibilities as the only country to have experienced the horror of nuclear devastation in war." He also emphasized his commitment, stating, "I will firmly receive in my hands the torch known as the total elimination of nuclear weapons, which great leaders the world over have taken on so many times until now, and do my very utmost to bring about a world free of nuclear weapons." 6
In his policy speech to the Diet in January 2022, Prime Minister Kishida reiterated that he will courageously pursue a world free of nuclear weapons by referring to what President Obama wrote in the guest book at the Memorial Museum in 2016: "Let us now find the courage… to… pursue a world without nuclear weapons." He further stated, "In order to further develop the discussions of the Group of Eminent Persons for Substantive Advancement of Nuclear Disarmament, … I will establish an international group of eminent persons for a world free of nuclear weapons, with the participation of current and former political leaders from around the world. We will convene the first meeting in Hiroshima, aiming at sometime within this year." 7
In his policy speech in January 2023, Prime Minister Kishida stated, "We will seize the opportunity of the summit being held in Hiroshima, the site of an atomic bombing, to lead international initiatives towards a world without nuclear weapons. We will move forward on realistic and practical initiatives by building on our past efforts, including the Hiroshima Action Plan 8, while also taking into account the sage views of the IGEP (International Group of Eminent Persons for a World without Nuclear Weapons). 9
The underlying background behind these series of statements is Prime Minister Kishida's strong interest in and consistent stance on nuclear disarmament with due considerations to the harsh reality of international security environment as well as Japan's security policy, since his time as Foreign Minister in the Abe Cabinet. In the new "National Security Strategy" (NSS) 10 formulated by the Kishida Cabinet in December 2022, it is stated that "Japan will adhere to the basic policy of… observing the Three Non-Nuclear Principles. The Japan-U.S. Alliance, including the provision of extended deterrence, will remain the cornerstone of Japan's national security policy." At the same time, the NSS stresses "halting and reversing the trend of arms buildup, including nuclear weapons, in the vicinity of Japan, and to prevent the occurrence of situations such as threats of nuclear weapons." It also emphasizes that Japan will take the lead in international efforts to realize a "world without nuclear weapons."
In this paper, I would like to provide an overview of the efforts of the international community and the series of initiatives launched, including those during Kishida's tenure as Foreign Minister, leading to the "G7 Hiroshima Vision on Nuclear Disarmament" issued this time. While it has been pointed out that the actual security situations are becoming increasingly severe, and announcements of various policy documents without real progress sound hollow, I will focus on taking a close look at the significance of the specific measures proposed so far and examining the future challenges. This includes how these elements will be integrated into "strengthening the deterrence and response capabilities of the Japan-U.S. alliance" as called for in the new NSS.
Reflecting on the G7 Ise-Shima Summit and the "G7 Hiroshima Declaration on Nuclear Disarmament and Non-Proliferation" in 2016
Looking at the G7 Hiroshima Summit from the perspective of nuclear disarmament, it brings to mind the situation at the G7 Ise-Shima Summit seven years ago. In April 2016, when Minister Kishida chaired the G7 Foreign Ministers' Meeting held in Hiroshima, the "G7 Hiroshima Declaration on Nuclear Disarmament and Non-Proliferation 11" was issued along with other policy documents such as the G7 Foreign Ministerial Joint Communiqué. This declaration was subsequently endorsed in the "G7 Ise-Shima Summit Leaders' Declaration" 12 in May. After the summit, Prime Minister Abe and President Obama came over to Hiroshima, visited the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum and left messages in the guest book, expressing their commitment to a "world without nuclear weapons." 13
The current series of actions aligns with this trajectory, but the G7 Hiroshima Declaration on Nuclear Disarmament and Non-Proliferation seven years ago was relatively concise. In the G7 leaders' declaration, the coverage of "non-proliferation and disarmament" was brief; it stated "We reaffirm our commitment to seeking a safer world for all and to creating the conditions for a world without nuclear weapons in a way that promotes international stability." Use of ‘creating the conditions' can be seen as a reflection of the challenging environment surrounding regional issues and nuclear disarmament, as evidenced by the failure to adopt a final document at the 2015 NPT Review Conference, particularly issues related to the Middle East and other regions.
Further deterioration of the international security environment and efforts towards the 10th NPT Review Conference
The international security environment continued to worsen due to ongoing nuclear tests by North Korea (January, September 2016, and March 2017) and the diversification of their nuclear/missile capabilities. Additionally, the situation deteriorated further with Russia's violation of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty through the development of ground-launched cruise missiles (9M729) with a range of 500km to 5500km. This violation led to mutual accusations of non-compliance and the expiration of the INF Treaty in February 2019. China also accelerated its unilateral military buildup, increasing defense spending significantly and rapidly strengthening its nuclear, missile, naval, and air forces. These actions lacked transparency and contributed to the deterioration of the international security environment.
Against this backdrop, the process towards the 10th NPT Review Conference officially began with the first Preparatory Committee meeting held in Vienna in May 2017. Foreign Minister Kishida made extraordinary efforts to attend this meeting and delivered a general statement 14, strongly condemning North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and missiles, and calling for compliance with UNSCRs. At the same time, he proposed "three improvements and enhancements" in order to create an environment for a world without nuclear weapons. These improvements aimed to bridge the gap between nuclear- and non-nuclear-weapon States and rebuild confidence and trust among them.
These improvements included building confidence through enhanced transparency, improving the security environment to reduce the incentive to possess nuclear weapons, and raising awareness of the reality of nuclear weapons use and the risk of proliferation. These proposals were updated and refocused from Minister Kishida's general statement at the 9th NPT Review Conference in April 2015, where he highlighted the "five principles." 15
One of the concrete measures proposed by Foreign Minister Kishida was the establishment of a "Group of Eminent Persons for Substantive Advancement of Nuclear Disarmament" (the EPG) and its series of recommendations, the first of which was issued in May 2018. 16 The recommendations included "Building Bridges to Effective Nuclear Disarmament" as recommendations for the 2020 NPT Review Process, as well as a "Chair's Summary" prepared under the Chair's own authority and responsibility, outlining his understanding of the discussions at the first and second meetings of the Group.
From the perspective of "Bridge Building," the recommendations emphasized the need to restore "civility in discourse" and respect for divergent views, rather than criticizing others with different positions. The recommendations also stressed that all NPT parties should demonstrate their "ownership" of the treaty and proposed concrete measures to lay the groundwork for converging different approaches. They also pointed out several issues that need to be addressed in pursuit of "a world free of nuclear weapons."
The recommendations were submitted to the second Preparatory Committee meeting held in Geneva in April 2018, and at the meeting, Foreign Minister Kono highlighted three areas in which Japan called for the international community to take specific and concrete measures. 17 These areas include "increasing transparency" to contribute to avoiding mistrust and misunderstanding, building confidence among states, leading to nuclear risk reduction, and strengthening the NPT review process. The second area involved developing an effective nuclear disarmament verification mechanism as a groundwork for complete, verifiable, and irreversible dismantlement (CVID) of nuclear weapons. The third area emphasized the importance of interactive discussions involving both nuclear-weapon States and non-nuclear-weapon States.
(Identifying and discussing Hard Questions)
Among the EPG recommendations, addressing "hard questions" garnered significant attention.
These hard questions revolve around the relationship between deterrence and disarmament, such as how to effectively contribute to threat reduction and address security concerns that may arise from the nuclear disarmament process. The Chair's Summary incorporated different views from group members, including seemingly contradictory and opposing perspectives, indicating the need for further discussions. The Japanese Foreign Ministry tasked the EPG with continuing its discussions to identify and elaborate on these "hard questions" in greater detail.
Subsequently, the EPG held three additional meetings to expand upon the Chair's Summary, resulting in the Chair's Report 18 in October 2019. The report particularly focuses on addressing differences in views regarding a series of "hard questions" and identifies several following questions in need of attention;
- The relationship between nuclear deterrence and security, including the right of self-defense;
- Nuclear deterrence as the only remaining role of nuclear weapons;
- The consistency of uses of nuclear weapons with international humanitarian law;
- Risks, mitigation and accountability associated with various aspects of nuclear weapons;
- How to manage the process of nuclear disarmament without undermining the security environment; and
- How to maintain a world free of nuclear weapons once it is achieved.
Answering these hard questions in today's security environment has become increasingly challenging. However, given the new developments surrounding nuclear deterrence in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, it is crucial to reconsider these difficult issues not only among government officials but also within the security and disarmament communities. The challenging issues highlighted in the Chair's Report require renewed and serious consideration. In the context of the relationship between deterrence and disarmament, the following questions in the Chair's Report are of particular importance and relevance.
- 34. Should the only role of nuclear weapon be deterrence of other nuclear weapons?
- 36. The extent to which the existence of nuclear weapons could contribute to general deterrence of an adversary's use of non-nuclear weapons.
- 53. What kinds of transparency measures by nuclear-armed states could substantially contribute improving the security environment, leading to confidence building for nuclear threat reduction and disarmament?
- 70. To what extent can non-nuclear military capabilities be alternatives to nuclear deterrence?
- 74. Addressing the role of non-nuclear means of deterrence during nuclear disarmament will require first defining, and ultimately attempting to negotiate agreement on, acceptable overall balances of military power that would meet the defensive requirements of competing states while not enabling them to conduct aggression.
- What measures of control on offensive and defensive non-nuclear and other unconventional military capabilities must be considered in order for nuclear-armed states to diminish the roles of nuclear weapons?
- What methods could be developed to define whether and how cross domain balances could be achieved?
- How could "agreed force balances" be monitored and enforced?
The significance of the "G7 Leaders' Hiroshima Vision on Nuclear Disarmament"
"The G7 Leaders' Hiroshima Vision on Nuclear Disarmament" is the result of various factors, including the personal commitment and initiatives of Foreign Minister Kishida and Prime Minister Kishida, as well as the repeated delays of the 10th NPT Review Conference and Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
The Vision begins by reaffirming the commitment of the G7 leaders "to achieving a world without nuclear weapons with undiminished security for all" while acknowledging the unprecedented devastation and immense inhuman suffering experienced by the people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The leaders also emphasize the importance of the 77-year record of non-use of nuclear weapons. They condemn Russia's irresponsible nuclear rhetoric, undermining of arms control regimes, and stated intent to deploy nuclear weapons in Belarus as dangerous and unacceptable. The Vision recalls the statement in Bali by all G20 leaders, including Russia, and reiterates the G7's position that threats or use of nuclear weapons by Russia in the context of its aggression against Ukraine are inadmissible. The leaders call on Russia to reaffirm, through both words and actions, the principles enshrined in that statement.
The Vision is unprecedented in that it focuses on nuclear issues at the level of the G7 heads, and it provides comprehensive and concrete measures encompassing nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. It incorporates a series of United Nations resolutions, particularly the "Steps to Building a Common Roadmap towards a World Without Nuclear Weapons" adopted in December 2022, which Japan has led.
The Vision is unprecedented in that it focuses on nuclear issues at the level of the G7 heads, and it provides comprehensive and concrete measures encompassing nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. It incorporates a series of United Nations resolutions, particularly the "Steps to Building a Common Roadmap towards a World Without Nuclear Weapons" adopted in December 2022, which Japan has led.
From my perspective, the Vision explicitly and implicitly addresses various important points:
- The need for the overall decline in global nuclear arsenals achieved since the end of the Cold War to continue and not be reversed.
- A call on Russia to enable a return to full implementation of the INF Treaty.
- Concerns about China's accelerating buildup of its nuclear arsenal without transparency or meaningful dialogue, which poses a threat to global and regional stability.
- A call on Russia and China to provide data on their nuclear forces and the objective size of their nuclear arsenal, as well as to engage in a meaningful dialogue with non-nuclear-weapon States regarding transparency and limiting nuclear competition. This includes an open explanation of national reports and interactive discussions with non-nuclear-weapon States and civil society participants at future NPT-related meetings.
The Vision acknowledges the "Hiroshima Action Plan" proposed by Prime Minister Kishida at the 10th NPT Review Conference in August 2022 as a welcome contribution. All five pillars of the Hiroshima Action Plan are included in the Vision. Notably, the Vision places strong emphasis on improving transparency with specific actions in detail, addressing the lack and decline of transparency from China.
Additionally, the Vision covers various concrete measures related to the FMCT, CTBT, North Korea, and Iran, including the following:
- The immediate commencement of negotiations on FMCT (Treaty banning the production of fissile material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices).
- The declaration or maintenance of a voluntary moratorium on FM production.
- Condemnation of threats to conduct nuclear tests.
- The early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).
- Demanding that Russia comply with the moratorium on nuclear testing.
- Demanding North Korea refrain from destabilizing or provocative actions, including any further nuclear tests or launches that use ballistic missile technology.
- Recognition that Iran's demand to halt nuclear escalation and the JCPOA (Joint Plan of Action) remain beneficial, and commends the IAEA's efforts in Iran.
At the end, the Vision underscores the importance of disarmament and non-proliferation education and outreach to raise and sustain awareness of the realities of nuclear weapons use. It is noteworthy to see a summit-level document welcoming specific initiatives and programs targeting youth, women, and civil society. The Vision highlights programs such as Japan's "Youth Leader Fund for a World without Nuclear Weapons," the P5's "Young Professionals Network," Germany's financing of "Youth Champions for Disarmament," and the EU Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Consortium's establishment of the "Young Women Next Generation Initiative." The significance of the Vision, issued in Hiroshima, the site of the atomic bombing, depends on the collective future endeavors and progress made through these initiatives.
(Criticism of the Vision and the reduction of the role of nuclear weapons)
Regarding the discussion, appreciation or criticism of the Vision in Japan 19, particularly in the context of nuclear deterrence, it is important to note that the Vision states "Our security policies are based on the understanding that nuclear weapons, for as long as they exist, should serve defensive purposes, deter aggression and prevent war and coercion." It is fair to say it does not view nuclear deterrence as a permanent solution. The Vision also includes a wide range of concrete actions that should be taken to advance disarmament, which should be considered alongside the acknowledgment of the importance of deterrence. Talking about the significance of deterrence either nuclear or conventional does not necessarily contradict with the pursuit of a world without nuclear weapons.
However, one aspect that might contribute to such criticism is the fact that the Vision does not refer to "reduction of the role of nuclear weapons," although the US Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) released in October 2022 emphasizes that element. In addition, the lack of clarity on how to proceed with key issues related to disarmament and deterrence, as discussed in the EPG, participated by experts including those from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, could also contribute to the perception that the Vision is not sufficiently explicit.
"Integrated Deterrence" and Reducing the Role of Nuclear Weapons in US NPR 2022
The Biden administration released national security strategy, national defense strategy and nuclear posture review (NPR) in October 2022, taking into account fundamental changes in the international security environment. Concept of "integrated deterrence" is at the core of these strategy documents, and constitutes a framework for working across warfighting domains, theaters and the spectrum of conflict, in collaboration with all instruments of national power, as well as with U.S. allies and US partners.
It is also important to note the 2022 NPR emphasizes "reducing the role of nuclear weapons" in various contexts. It states "We fully recognize the enduring importance of a nuclear policy that balances the evolving demands of deterrence with our goal of taking steps to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and thereby reducing the salience of nuclear weapons globally." "We are placing renewed emphasis on arms control, nuclear non-proliferation, and risk reduction. These policies complement U.S. nuclear policy and force structure decisions and enable us to pursue opportunities to reduce the role of nuclear weapons globally, enhance strategic stability with the PRC and Russia, and reduce the risks of war or escalation during war."
The NPR goes on stating "DoD will seek to identify and assess the ability of non-nuclear capabilities to contribute to deterrence, and will integrate these capabilities into operational plans, as appropriate. While we are taking steps to advance the goal of reducing reliance on nuclear weapons, more far-reaching opportunities to move in this direction will require enduring improvement in the security environment, a commitment to verifiable arms control among the major nuclear powers, further progress in developing non-nuclear capabilities, and an assessment of how nuclear-armed competitors and adversaries may react."
Given these challenging developments, it is high time for Japan to conduct an both horizontal such as interagency or interdisciplinary discussions as well vertical discussions, involving politicians, experts and young people aiming at strengthened deterrence with reduced role of the nuclear weapons provided that fundamental enhancement of defense capabilities will be coupled with the review of the roles, mission and capabilities.
What needs to be done
In the January 2023 meetings of the Japan-U.S. Security Consultative Committee and the Japan-U.S. summit, it was recognized that there is the convergence of new national security and defense strategies of the two countries toward bolstering deterrence in an integrated manner. It is stated in the 2+2 document that US and Japan "reaffirmed the critical importance of ensuring U.S. extended deterrence remains credible and resilient, bolstered by Japan's capabilities," and "reiterated both countries intend to deepen the substantive discussions at the Extended Deterrence Dialogue as well as through various senior-level meetings."
The new NSS identifies in the chapter "Deepening Security Cooperation with the United States" the specific challenges and outlines a broad range of concrete action items and areas of enhancing security cooperation both hard and soft, not limited to defense. 20 It also states "Japan will further strengthen the deterrence and response capabilities of the Japan-U.S. Alliance, including extended deterrence by the U.S. that is backed by its full range of capabilities, including nuclear."
When asked about the extended deterrence policy of the US in a session of the Diet, Foreign Minister Hayashi touched upon the two important pillars. The first is deterrence, including nuclear deterrent capability provided by the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, and Japan places high importance on ensuring reliability of the deterrence provided by the US through its total sum of the military capabilities both nuclear and conventional. At the same time, he emphasized the importance of the second pillar: Making and accumulating disarmament efforts to reduce armament including nuclear and building a safe and peaceful international community that does not require nuclear weapons." 21
In the context of integrated deterrence, I would like to refer to the remarks of Foreign Minister Hayashi in the Diet. "Total sum" should involve not only surpassing the "weapon barrier" between nuclear and conventional weapons but also overcoming the "ministry barrier" between the military and other specialized organizations and fields, such as intelligence, science and technology, and economic security. Additionally, it entails overcoming the "battlefield barrier" between traditional land, sea, and air forces and new domains, such as space, cyber, and electromagnetic waves. Furthermore, the "national barrier" should be overcome to seek substantive cooperation, not only in a bilateral context with the US but also in the context of broader cooperation with like-minded and partner countries. All of these efforts should result in comprehensive and accumulated deterrent capabilities. 22
The new National Security Strategy highlights the fundamentally reinforcing defense capabilities as the last guarantee of national security in dealing with diversified security challenges. However, it also recognizes that "In the current security environment, the boundaries between military and non-military, peacetime and contingency, have become blurred. Hybrid warfare is taking place, and grey-zone situations are constantly arising". Therefore the NSS emphasizes the increasing importance of taking full advantage of comprehensive national power, including diplomatic, defense, economic, technological, and intelligence capabilities and calls for strengthening interagency collaboration by breaking silos within the government. "With this in mind, Japan will reinforce its comprehensive defense architecture by promoting efforts in four areas that complement and are inseparable from the fundamental reinforcement of defense capabilities," the NSS states, and identifies four areas including "research and development, public infrastructure development, cyber security, and international cooperation, to enhance deterrence capabilities of Japan and like-minded countries. "
In relation to deterrence, the NSS includes several policy measures to be promoted. These measures include the joint development of defense equipment, the transfer of defense equipment and technology, capacity building support, strategic communication, and Flexible Deterrent Options (FDO), which encompass exercises and training. It is worth noting that the NSS places a high emphasis on strategic security cooperation with partner countries, and establishing new frameworks for provision of equipment and supplies and infrastructure development. It also emphasizes the need to maintain an adequate level of defense production and technological foundations as well as to strengthen economic, fiscal, and financial foundations.
While the strategy documents of Japan and the United States demonstrate their commitment to strengthening integrated deterrence, it is important to note that the 2022 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) has made it clear that the goal is "to ensure a safe, secure, and effective deterrent while taking responsible steps to advance the goal of reducing the role of nuclear weapons in U.S. strategy." The NPR also aims to eliminate "hedge against an uncertain future" as a formal role of nuclear weapons. Additionally, we should bear in mind that the G7 Vision states "the overall decline in global nuclear arsenals achieved since the end of the Cold War must continue and not be reversed."
In this context, it is essential to consider how to ensure security without overly relying on the credibility of U.S. extended deterrence or pursuing an increase in the number of nuclear weapons. We need to seek to enhance "collective and whole-of-security capabilities" by implementing comprehensive measures, both soft and hard, in various fields, not limited to the military. At the same time, facing a different world of deterrence, we need to think thoroughly about what kind of international security environment needs to be created, and in what time frame, to reduce our reliance on nuclear weapons and maintain global and regional peace and stability.
To achieve the "G7 Hiroshima Vision on Nuclear Disarmament," sincere and earnest efforts to address these "hard questions" are essential. The government needs to communicate these questions, discussions and possible solutions to the public in a thoughtful and thorough manner. The Prime Minister's statement, "There is nothing stronger than diplomacy and security that enjoy the understanding and support of the citizens." 23 is definitely applicable to the issue of the relationship between deterrence and disarmament. Prime Minister also stated "I will advance ‘diplomacy and security that stand together with the Japanese people,' working to gain the understanding of as many people as possible by providing explanations to the public."
Nobushige Takamizawa is Visiting Professor at the University of Tokyo.
- October, 2023, " Political and Social Divide in the United States and Challenges for Democracy" by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- October, 2023, " Has US Foreign Policy Doctrine Changed? " by Tsuneo Watanabe, senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- October, 2023, " America's Journey to Hegemony and Its Challenges" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2023, " A Medium- to Long-Term Outlook for the US Economy―Can America Win the Competition with China?―" by Tatsuhiko Yoshizaki, Chief Economist, Sojitz Research Institute, Ltd.
- September, 2023, " China's Strategy toward the U.S " by Toshiya Tsugami, Adjunct Researcher, the Japan Institute of International Affairs
- September, 2023, " The Deepening Security Dilemma in US-China Relations " by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- July, 2023, "How Would North Korea and China Use Nuclear Weapons? -- Scenarios for Discussion" by Narushige Michishita, Professor at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July, 2023, "Japan's Nuclear Strategy" by Nobukatsu Kanehara, Visiting Professor at Doshisha University
- July, 2023, "G7 Hiroshima Summit and Efforts for a Safer World Without Nuclear Weapons" by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor at the University of Tokyo
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- June, 2023, "Exploring the Possibility of Nuclear Attacks on Japan－Nuclear Simulations in the Era of "Three-Front Nuclear Threats" by Hiroyasu Akutsu, Professor, Heisei International University
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- April 2023, Evolution of European Security System - Visualization of Deterrence by NATO and the "Russian Problem" by Michito Tsuruoka, Associate Professor, Keio University
- April 2023, "An Expanded NATO's Nuclear Strategy" by Yoko Iwama
- March, 2023, "Germany's Civilian Power Model—Modification or Termination?--Germany Struggling with the War in Ukraine" by Toshiya Nakamura, Professor, Nagoya University
- March, 2023, "France and the Ukraine War―The Logic Behind Macron's Security Policy" by Ken Endo, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- March, 2023, "The Russo-Ukrainian War and the British Response: 2014-2023" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- March, 2023, "Where is America Heading—Implications and Challenges for the Allies" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
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- Front Cover
- Changes in the Security Environment Surrounding Japan - Shifting Power Balance and the Three Front Threats Ken Jimbo
- How Will "Japan Contingencies" Emerge? Osamu Onoda
- The Japan-US Alliance Revisited: Is it Dependable? Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki
- A New Phase of Defense Diplomacy and Defense Production and Technology Base Ippeita Nishida, Tsuneo Watanabe
- Intelligence Activities in the Post-Ukraine War Era Jun Nagashima
- Responding to the Nuclear Threat Masashi Murano
- No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities - Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland? - Ryoichi Oriki
- Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi
- October 2022, "Japan-China Relations under the Long-term Administration of Xi Jinping: Current Status, Prospects, and Expectations" written by Kazuyuki Suwa, Professor, University of Shizuoka
- October 2022, "China's Policy on the Global South --- China's World View and the Configuration of the US-China Confrontation " written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- October 2022, "Military Strategy of Xi Jinping's China" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasagawa Peace Foundation
- September 2022, " Social Governance by the Communist Party of China: The Present State and the Future Prospects " written by Kazuko Kojima, Professor, Keio University
- September 2022, "The Relationship between Domestic Politics and Diplomacy under the Xi Jinping Administration- Why Were the Large-Scale Military Exercises Decided?" written by Chisako T. Masuo, Professor, Kyushu University
- September 2022, "Xi Jinping's China--- Prospects for Its Climate Change Policy ---" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, The University of Kyoto
- August 2022, " Current Assessment of the Xi Jinping's Rule and Prospects for the Third Term of the Xi Administration " written by Takashi Suzuki, Associate Professor, Aichi Prefectural University
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- July 2022, "The Russian Invasion of Ukraine and the Future International Legal Order" written by Masahiro Kurosaki, Associate Professor, National Defense Academy
- July 2022, "The Ukraine War and Security in East Asia" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2022, "How Will the Ukraine War Change the New US-China Cold War?" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- July 2022, "Impact of the Ukraine War on the Global Economy" written by Tatsuhiko Yoshizaki, Chief Economist, Sojitz Research Institute, Ltd.
- June 2022, "Why War Occurs in Europe?--The Structural Transformation of the European Security Order in the Post-Cold War Era --" written by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- June 2022,"The Russia-Ukrainian War and the Behind-the-Scenes Stance of the United States" "On Economic Security" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- June 2022, "The Russia-Ukraine War and NATO", written by Michito Tsuruoka, Associate Professor, Keio University
- June 2022, "The Ukrainian War Viewed from Theories of International Politics" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defens Academy
- March 2022, "Economic Security Challenges and Cyber Security" written by Jun Osawa, Senior Research Fellow, Nakasone Peace Institute
- March 2022, "On Economic Security" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the Ntional Defense Academy
- March 2022, ""Economic Security" and the Review of the 2013 NSS and the Related Strategy Documents" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, the University of Tokyo
- March 2022, "The US-China Rivalry and Economic Security" written by Yuzo Murayama, Professor, Doshisya University
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- March 2022, "Economic Security in the Free Trade Regime" written by Kazuto Suzuki, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January 2022, "The 2022 South Korean Presidential Election and the Next Administration's Foreign and Security Policy" written by Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- January 2022, "North Korea's Nuclear and Missile Development and Japan's Defense" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, GRIPS
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- December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
- December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shunji Hiraiwa, Professor, Nanzan University.
- December 2021, "What to Do with the Relations with North Korea?" written by Hitoshi Tanaka, Chairman for Institute for International Strategy at the Japan Research Institute.
- October 2021, "Strategic Implications of North Korea's Enhanced Nuclear and Missile Capabilities" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- October 2021, "The Biden Administration's North Korea Policy: Its Low Priority and Looming Crises" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- October 2021, "The Evolution of the US-ROK Alliance: Tasks in the Biden Era" written by Yasuyo Sakata, Professor, Kanda University of International Studies.
- September 2021, "The Development of Regional Security Architecture: From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific" written by Ken Jimbo, Professor, Keio University.
- September 2021, "The Strategic Development of Japanese Security Cooperation under Superpower Competition and the Development of the FOIP and its Operationalization" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo.
- August 2021, "Security Perceptions of Central Asian Countries--- From the Perspective of China Studies ---" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
- August 2021, "Security in the Indian Ocean Region---Implication of the Galwan Incident for QUAD in the Indo-Pacific" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao, Fellow (Non-Resident), Hudson Institute.
- August 2021, "Easternization and Security in Asia" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- July 2021, "The Ideas of "Autonomy" and "Self-Reliance" in Contemporary India's Foreign Strategy" written by Kazutoshi TAMARI, Associate Professor,Chukyo University.
- July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
- July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
- July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
- June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
- June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
- June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
- June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
- May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
- May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.