Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" and Key Security Policy Documents
-Expectations, Anxieties, and Some Proposals-
Nearly nine years have passed since, in December 2013, the Japanese government first formulated the "National Security Strategy (NSS)," and the process of revising the three so-called key security policy documents, including the National Defense Program Guidelines ("NDPG") and the Medium Term Defense Program ("MTDP"), is now in its final stage. Looking back over the past nine years, there was at least another opportunity to revise the NSS. It was in 2018 when the NDPG was revised and the MTDP was formulated accordingly. COVID-19 had yet to change the face of the world; the era of engagement with China was over; a new era of great power competition began with the US-China confrontation becoming increasingly intense. Due partly to the advent of the Trump administration, there were great concerns and anxieties about the direction of the United States and the Japan-US alliance relations.
At that time (2018), voices were calling for a review of the NSS. 1 The government, however, did not renew it, but revised the NDPG and formulated a new MTDP. The government recognized at the end of 2018 that "the security environment surrounding Japan was becoming more severe and more uncertain, as interstate competition became tangible on the political, economic, and military fronts and changes in power balance were becoming more accelerated and complex." The government concluded that "the current security environment and national security challenges are, as a whole, within the scope of the basic recognition presented in this Strategy, although it is necessary to discern their medium- to long-term directionality." The Cabinet Secretariat also stated, "Japan's principles, national interests, and national security goals outlined in this Strategy remain valid, and the necessity and importance of a strategic approach remain unchanged." 2
On that occasion, it is said that there was a view that when the international situation is very fluid, it is necessary to observe it objectively or that the government should refrain from revising the NSS that looks ten years into the future. The NDPG for FY2019 and beyond includes such a hyperbolic expression as "confront the reality of a security environment we have never faced before." 3 Yet, regarding the direction of the building of national defense architecture, the document does not go further than stating that the new concept of "Multidimensional Integrated Defense Force" is an "advanced sequel" of the "Dynamic Joint Defense Force" that the previous NDPG for FY2014 and beyond proposed. 4 To put it bluntly, the cabinet decision seems somewhat like a misrepresentation.
In formulating a new NSS this time, the government is more proactive in saying: "whatever option will not be ruled out" and "defense capabilities will be fundamentally reinforced speedily." 5 Leaving the wording aside, it is of particular importance to provide an overall picture of the concept of national security and to make the new NSS effective, not just empty words.
From this perspective, I would like to discuss some of my expectations for the ongoing revision work. (This paper was written based on information available as of this writing on November 15, 2022.)
2. Why is a New NSS Necessary?
I am well aware of the views that since Japan's basic policy of "proactive contribution to peace based on international cooperation" and the three pillar concepts—Japan's defense efforts, strengthened cooperation with allies, and efforts for global stability—are still fully viable, we should correct obvious shortcomings in national defense, rather than spending energy in revising the national security strategy document, given the urgency of the actual situation. These views question whether Japan could be safer only by revising the strategic document into a version stressing the threats of China and Russia. 6
Since the objective of revising the NSS and related documents is to secure Japan's national security, drafting document should not be the objective, nor should we become complacent with well written sentences. Therefore, the above warning is correct. Nonetheless, it is vital to create a new NSS for the following four reasons.
First, a strategy (1) defines the goals toward which we should proceed; (2) analyzes the current situation; (3) shows a roadmap from the current situation to the goals. The current NSS does not have to undergo any fundamental change as far as the national security goals it sets forth are concerned. 7 However, since the current situation has changed significantly from nine years ago, it is only natural that the path leading to these goals should also be changed.
Second, even if the three pillars noted above remain viable in the future, it is necessary to change their specifics following changes in the situation. If they remain unchanged, they will lose their meaning as policy guidelines, just as the "Basic Policy on National Defense," 8 which was so abstract that no momentum was generated to revise it.
Third, it is now becoming less meaningful to distinguish security cooperation with allied countries, as an independent pillar, from cooperation with other countries. It is often believed that there is a qualitative difference between security cooperation assuming the implementation of joint operations in the event of a Japanese contingency and one that does not. However, cross-decking and the exchange of cadres are already vigorously underway among the United States, European countries, Australia, etc. 9 The new Japan-Australia Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation, signed in October 2022, states, "We will consult each other on contingencies that may affect our sovereignty and regional security interests, and consider measures in response." 10 The "vital special strategic partnership" between Australia and Japan is being further strengthened. The document is not explicit on how mutual consultations and response measures will be conducted in what emergency. Yet, according to the joint declaration, cooperation between the JSDF and the Australian Defence Force includes cooperation related to high-end capabilities, 11 and the challenges mentioned concerning regional resilience include "aggression, coercion, disinformation, malicious cyber activity and other forms of interference, as well as to global challenges such as pandemics, natural disasters, and climate change." 12 Given this, the bilateral security cooperation described by the joint declaration may be considered to be broad enough to suggest the possibility of operational cooperation in an armed aggression situation.
Fourth, the above-quoted view that there is no need to revise the NSS points out that "the framework of security policy is fairly well structured; it is imperative to make it workable." 13 However, a new decision on security strategy would generate momentum to establish a workable framework quickly. The significance of the current NSS is that it is Japan's first-ever document of this kind. But we cannot remain content with that anymore. The NSS should be restructured into a document that indicates the direction of government-wide efforts on security.
3. Japan's National Security Policy System
Japan's national security policy system is a three-layered structure with the NSS at the top, which constitutes the basic principle of national security, focusing on foreign and defense policies. Under the NSS, the NDPG elaborates on the basic defense policy, the role of defense forces, the specific setup of each branch of the JSDF, and a target level of defense capabilities to possess. To achieve the target level of defense capabilities described by the NDPG, the MTDP specifies the implementation policy and major projects for defense buildup over five years, alongside the limit on total expenditures to incur during the same period. 14
However, it may be time to review this three-tiered structure. A total of six NDPGs came into being in the past. The first NDPG (the NDPG for FY1977 and beyond) remained in effect for 19 years as the guidelines for Japan's defense buildup, from the Cold War period to its end. The subsequent five NDPGs have gradually become shorter-lived: nine, six, three, and five years, respectively, reflecting the fact that changes in the domestic and international environment surrounding Japan's security have become increasingly intense in recent years.
An NDPG aims to build a certain target level of defense capabilities in a span of 10 to 15 years, during which period two or three MTDPs may be formulated. Yet, if NDGPs change one after another in less than ten years, the validity of setting the target level of defense capabilities to possess may be questioned. In other words, it stands to reason to think that defense capabilities set out in an NDPG represent possible defense capabilities ten years from now rather than the ultimate goal to achieve. 15 If the five-year plans are often cut off halfway, as has been the latest case, the soundness of the method may be questioned of exhibiting the whole picture of major projects for the five years and the total amount of their expenditures as one set.
If this is the case, it will be good to free ourselves from the original idea in the NDPG to tabulate numerical targets of defense buildup and to present, as a new NDPG, a fundamental policy document clarifying defense policy priorities. Then, we could consider adopting a way of presenting in an MTDP a general framework for defense buildup for the target period without indicating numerical targets in the new NDPG. 16
While expanding their scope, the chief purpose of NDPGs lies in presenting a target level of defense buildup. Today, however, it is already impossible to defend the country with the Cold War-era mindset that emphasized static deterrence through power balancing alone. Therefore, it is understandable that a "National Defense Strategy" is needed, 17 which defines "the basic policy on the operation of JSDF units according to the situation and circumstances (purposes of deterrence and response, means, plans, etc.); the responsibilities and roles of relevant ministries and agencies regarding national defense, and cooperation guidelines." The latter of these, "responsibilities and roles of relevant ministries and agencies and cooperation guideline," is an area that has not been explored in depth in the current NSS and is considered to be worthy of a detailed description in the NSS. Although there is some controversy as to whether or not "the basic policy on the operation of JSDF units" is suitable for open decisions of the cabinet, articulation of it is important to exhibit an overall picture of defense policy.
The NDPG for FY2005 and beyond clarified the concept of national security as a whole before discussing the significance and role of defense capabilities. This approach is based on the belief that it is necessary to first present an overall picture of national security policy and then clearly position defense capabilities within that picture. In this sense, the NDPG for FY2005 and beyond anticipated the upcoming NSS. 18 The subsequent NDPGs also incorporated some elements of the NSS. This was also the case with the NDPG for FY2014 and beyond, adopted simultaneously with the NSS. The current NDPG for FY2019 and beyond also states under the heading "Building comprehensive architecture for national defense," "In order to securely achieve national defense objectives, Japan will build national defense architecture that in all phases integrates the strengths at the nation's disposal: this structure enables not only Ministry of Defense (MOD) and Self-Defense Forces (SDF) efforts but also coherent, whole-of-government efforts; and enables cooperation with local governments and private entities." 19 While it is desirable that the NSS, which represents government-wide efforts, be revised and enriched, it may be necessary to ensure to not dilute the NDPG's character of government-wide efforts as a result of separating the NSS from the NDPG. In principle, the NDPG should be understood as one set of document consistent with the NSS. Given that the Ministry of Defense and the JSDF tend to focus more on the NDPG and the MTDP than on the NSS, the spirit and major points of the NSS should be clearly stated in the NDPG. If the NDPG is transformed and enlarged into a document worth the name of a "national defense strategy," it should be done so on this premise.
4. Government-wide Efforts and US "Integrated Deterrence"
The Japan-US alliance is one of the pillars of Japan's foreign and security policies. Although there is always opposition to it, including an emotional one, the maintenance of the alliance will unlikely change as government policy.
Intergovernmental processes for adjusting both sides' strategies are currently underway between Japan and the United States. The Joint Statement of the Security Consultative Committee ("2+2") on January 7, 2022, states: "In addressing the increasingly challenging regional security environment, the United States and Japan resolved to ensure alignment of Alliance visions and priorities through key forthcoming national security strategy documents. Through its strategic review process, Japan expressed its resolve to examine all options necessary for national defense including capabilities to counter missile threats. Japan and the United States underscored the need to closely coordinate throughout this process and welcomed our robust progress on evolving Alliance roles, missions, and capabilities, and on bilateral planning for contingencies." 20 The May 23 Japan-US Joint Leaders' Statement referred to the Japan-US Alliance, stating, "The two leaders expressed their determination to continually modernize the Alliance, evolve bilateral roles and missions, and strengthen joint capabilities including by aligning strategies and prioritizing goals together." 21 Furthermore, according to a Ministry of Defense press release, at the Japan-US Defense Ministerial Meeting held in Washington on September 14, 2022, the Ministers confirmed that the strategies of Japan and the United States share the same direction and that they would align their respective strategies even more closely to strengthen the Alliance. 22 The Japanese Defense Ministry's press release did not provide details, but the US press release said, "[The two leaders] confirmed their shared goal to modernize the Japan-US Alliance, bolster integrated deterrence, and further cooperate with like-minded partners to ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific." 23 In a newspaper interview about a week earlier, Defense Minister Hamada reportedly had said that the NSS and other security documents would be revised in light of the US integrated deterrence strategy. 24
The result of the ongoing coordination of the strategies of Japan and the United States is one of the key points to be reflected in the new NSS. It is almost manifest that "integrated deterrence" is the overarching concept in discussing the direction of the two countries' strategies.
Looking at the Biden administration's series of official documents, this concept did not appear in an explicit form in the March 2021 "Interim National Security Strategic Guidance." But it debuted in the "Fact Sheet: 2022 National Defense Strategy" submitted to Congress by the Defense Department in March 2022, as a means to achieve the Department's goals. 25 Deterrence is defined as something to pursue through efforts seamlessly crossing combat domains, theaters of war, types of conflict, various instruments of national power, and networks of alliances and partnerships. This is a concept in the Pentagon's defense strategy, which is explained in more detail in the form of a one-page boxed article in the National Security Strategy released by the White House in October 2022. 26 The 2022 National Defense Strategy devotes a chapter to integrated deterrence, stating that since competitors, especially China, are adopting holistic strategies of making full use of various means, the United States also needs to adopt a holistic response. 27
Some critics questioned how integrated deterrence differs from "government-wide efforts" or "holistic approaches," criticizing it as no more than a mere political slogan. 28 Some argue that all elements of national power should be used to deter foreign aggression; however, if dependence on non-military tools is used as justification to restrict the investments necessary for building sufficient US military power, such an approach is a wrong way to deter China and Russia, which are alien to the United States. 29 Whether or not integrated deterrence defined in the US National Security Strategy and 2022 National Defense Strategy can withstand these criticisms depends on its implementation in the future.
Next, I would like to stress the following three points in association with the revision of Japan's NSS. First, there are concerns that the idea of integrated deterrence may lead to the diffusion of security concepts under cover of government-wide efforts, turning, as a result, the NSS into a collection of agendas prioritized by different government ministries and agencies. It is also feared that government ministries may be inclined to assume that putting a "security" label to their projects may help obtain the budget necessary to implement them. It is a matter of course that military power alone cannot defend the nation. On the other hand, "the Japanese have long failed to recognize that military power has an essential role in building peace and that a nation seeking peace must have the will to ‘use' military power if necessary." 30 What is deficient in Japan is defining the significance of military power for peace.
Second, if Japan seeks a strategy consistent with the US integrated deterrence approach, the "alliance coordination mechanism" between the two countries should be modified accordingly. It is a mechanism designed to facilitate the operations of the JSDF and the US military; it involves the relevant ministries and agencies insofar as their contributions are necessary for the military operations. It lags behind the mechanism established by the legislation to deal with contingencies, which is the government-wide crisis management mechanism. Furthermore, the "Guidelines for Japan-US Defense Cooperation," on which the alliance coordination mechanism is based, and even the Japan-US "2+2" mechanism may not be wholly consistent with integrated deterrence for similar reasons. The time has come to create a larger mechanism to promote Japan-US security cooperation on a government-wide basis. I believe that the Japanese government, as a whole, needs to establish, to this end, a new division of roles and missions and a cooperative relationship between the two countries.
Third, the issues to be covered by the NSS are not limited to policy measures implemented by the Ministry of Defense and the JSDF. They are closely related to matters under the jurisdiction of almost all government ministries and agencies. Therefore, not only the Ministry of Defense and the JSDF but also each of the other ministries and agencies should work out their strategy, principles and road maps to implement policies based on the NSS and should implement them in a systemic and consistent manner. 31 The NSS should provide guidelines for this purpose, and the National Security Council should function as a command post for the ministries and agencies.
5. Some Points at Issue: Defense Spending, Japan Coast Guard, Human Resource Base
The JSDF alone cannot defend the country. 32 It is also a truism that "to drastically reinforce Japan's defense capabilities, it is essential to strengthen the comprehensive defense architecture and to mobilize Japan's capabilities by overcoming stove-piped administration and by maximizing the effective use of policy resources." 33 This is why we must formulate an NSS. We do not have to brandish the word "DIME (Diplomacy, Intelligence, Military, Economy)" to explain what security is. Security is originally as such. 34
However, in today's Japan while admitting that "the JSDF alone cannot defend the country," one cannot but repeat the obvious truism: "The country cannot be defended unless the JSDF is strong." 35
As the spotlight is cast on the "2% of GDP" and the "NATO definition" of defense spending, the government is planning to introduce a system to budget and keep track of expenses related to research and development and public infrastructure as expenses that would contribute to reinforcing comprehensive defense architecture. 36 It may sound good that "the system helps clarify thoughts on defense spending and use ministerial budgets broadly for security purposes." 37 But it is uncertain whether or not those financial resources will be in fact assigned to security purposes (particularly for the JSDF's use). The system is feared to end up being a way to pad defense expenditures and to appropriate extra budgets for other ministries and agencies.
The defect of this argument lies in its starting from thoughts on defense spending. What is needed to realize government-wide efforts on security issues is not a taxonomy of expenditures.
There is a broad range of issues to discuss, but I would like to take up just two. The first one is the role of the Japan Coast Guard (JCG) in national security. The JCG plays an important role in Japan's national security, as is clear from its daily confrontation with China Coast Guard (CCG) vessels in the waters surrounding the Senkaku Islands. This is a clash of national sovereignty assertions and differs from the relationship between criminals and the police who hunt them. Given the current situation, no one would oppose strengthening the capabilities of the JCG.
However, the CCG is not a mere law enforcement agency. There is no guarantee that an organization endowed with the status of a law enforcement agency alone can aptly deal with an entity more than a law enforcement agency. The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport, and Tourism (MLIT) and the JCG insist that they will "appropriately conduct policing activities in territorial waters around the Senkaku Islands, based on current laws." 38 Their intension to never change Article 25 of the JCG Law is noticeable in this statement, but is it appropriate? Will they continue to be reluctant to cooperate with the JSDF and the US military by using Article 25 as a pretext? If the JCG continues to encourage Southeast Asian countries to have the same institution as Article 25 of the JCG Law with Japan's ODA as its tool, will such support help those countries to respond to the threat of CCG?
Secondly comes the issue of the human resources. The NDPG of FY2019 and beyond begins the section on "Priorities in strengthening core elements of defense capability" with the topic of "Reinforcing human resource base," 39 which seems to have priority over "Reinforcing technology base" and "Strengthening defense industrial base." As the population is declining rapidly, accompanied by low birthrates and aging, there is no hope for improvement in the chronic shortage of manpower without drastic and long-term measures.
However, there is no mention of the human resource base in the handouts 40 submitted by the Ministry of Defense to the Advisory Panel to Comprehensively Discuss Defense Capabilities as National Strength. According to the "summaries of discussions" prepared by the same panel, only two out of 84 comments are related to reinforcing the human resource base. 41 This is in sharp contrast to that General Ryoichi Oriki, former Chief of the Joint Staff Office, devoted one page of his six-page handout to the issue of the human resource base. 42
Human resources are not cost to the national security.. They are valuable assets that shine brighter the more one polishes them. However, once the DPJ administration formulated its NDPG without understanding this, jeopardizing the human resource base. This is not a story in the remote past but at the time when the NDPG for FY2011 and beyond—the one before the last NDPG—came into being. Such political threats to the human resource base should never be underestimated.
The cycle of recruiting and training personnel and returning veterans to civil society cannot be maintained by the Ministry of Defense and the JSDF alone. This is a challenging task calling for government-wide efforts. Nonetheless, it is always hard to generate momentum to strengthen the human resource base because it is a low-profile field (less conspicuous than, for example, even securing ammunition) not in the spotlight. Voices to demand the reduction of JSDF personnel will never be silenced. However, are there not things we should discuss before that?
In any way, the entire picture of the Japanese government's new security policy will be available in December of this year. But it will be no more than a declaratory policy at that point. It is important, of course, for the government to communicate the substance of the policy to the domestic and international public with easily understood message, but the question is what and how policy measures will be put into practice. I believe it is of utmost importance to establish security policies that have the power to achieve their goals.
6. The Japanese Constitutional Issue
Since its very beginnings, Japan's postwar defense policy has been marked by "twists and inconsistencies" 43 associated with the relationships of the Constitution, the Japan-US Security Treaty, and rearmament. Its focus has been placed on domestic political tactics to circumvent constitutional constraints rather than on strategic discussions based on acknowledging the reality of the international security environment.
In his book "The Korean War," Fuji Kamiya once pointed out the following three impacts of the Korean War on the later course of Japan. First, the Korean War determined Japan's separate peace and the Japan-US Security Arrangements. Second, the Korean War brought a special procurement boom to Japan, which raised Japan's industrial production capacity to constitute a significant part of the anti-communist coalition in Asia. And third, the rearmament of Japan began, laying the foundation for today's JSDF. This 1966 book concludes with the following remark, "It is indeed unfortunate for our country that this great national project of restoring military power, once abandoned, was initiated by a GHQ directive and carried out without a national debate." 44
Furthermore, the fact that the Japan-US alliance has been a carry-over from the winner-loser relationship in the aftermath of the Pacific War 45 has irritated Japanese nationalism.
These backgrounds hinder the development of a healthy defense policy debate. Arguments ascribing everything bad to the Constitution or to the United States are not sound. On the other hand, however, leaving the Constitution as it is is not good for developing a solid national security policy.
In the first place, as the JSDF exists under the constitution that bans the possession of military forces, trust and confidence in legal norms will not be generated and may turn such phrases as "rules-based order" into empty slogans.
The oath of service of JSDF personnel includes the phrase "abiding by the Constitution, laws, and regulations of Japan." 46 The feelings of those who are obliged to take such an oath must be complex. Masahiro Sakata, former Director-General of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau, describes the 2015 Japanese Legislation for Peace and Security as something like an "inventory-clearance sale" that goes beyond the authorization of the exercise of the right of collective self-defense. 47 It, however, was not an "inventory clearance" at all.
Every country has domestic political constraints on its security policy including the use of military force, and these constraints may take the form of legal ones. Meanwhile, it is irrational to consider requirements and procedures for using military force as "constraints." That said, since Japan's security cannot be ensured without international partnership and cooperation, Japan's security-related legal system must conform to international institutions and be easily understood by the international community. Otherwise, Japan will be considered a "strange country" and may not be taken seriously.
In the past, there have been cases where constitutionally permissible matters have been explained as if they were not—due to inadequate or inaccurate understanding of constitutional interpretation or deliberately by political considerations. Therefore, it is not appropriate to blame everything on the Constitution. Yet, the "twist" between the textual interpretation of the Constitution and the government's interpretation lies at the root of the problem.
Given this situation, we should reach some conclusion on the constitutional issue as soon as possible. However, this does not mean mere amendments to the Constitution. A constitutional reform that merely specifies the JSDF in the constitutional text or traces the government's current interpretation of the Constitution would be almost futile. Whatever a constitutional reform would be just an extension of the status quo unless it helps evolve a sound strategic theory and establish a rationally intelligible security policy. 48
(President, Research Institute for Peace and Security)
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- May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
- May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.