A Medium- to Long-Term Outlook for the US Economy
―Can America Win the Competition with China?―
1. What is Happening to the US Economy?
As of summer 2023, the outlook for the US economy is generally bright. Yet, if we pause to think for a moment, this is rather curious. The FRB has raised interest rates by 5.25% in just over a year; it would be no wonder if the US economy has sunk into a recession quagmire. However, FRB Chairman Jay Powell is confident in achieving his "soft landing" scenario of successfully controlling inflation without inviting a serious recession.
Recent economic indicators present a lineup of favorable figures. (1) Growth rate: GDP for April-June 2023 grew at a rate of 2.4% year-on-year basis. 2) Prices: US June consumer prices fell sharply by 3.0% year-on-year basis. (3) Employment: The June 2023 unemployment rate was 3.5%, close to full employment. President Joe Biden is boasting about the achievements of his economic policy, "Bidenomics," with an eye on next year's presidential election. 1
It is important to remember, however, that the US economy has undergone the following major changes over the past few years:
1) The COVID-19 pandemic raged from the spring of 2020. The death toll across the United States reached well over one million. 2
2) In the spring of 2021, the inflation rate reached the largest scale in 40 years. The FRB initially misjudged the price hikes as transitory and eventually tightened its monetary policy as late as the fall of the same year.
3) The FRB began raising interest rates in the spring of 2022, tightening its monetary policy at a faster-than-normal pace, including three consecutive 0.75 percentage point hikes. Furthermore, following the outbreak of the Ukraine war, rising international commodity prices of, among other things, energy and food has accelerated inflation.
4) In the spring of 2023, medium-sized regional banks, including Silicon Valley Bank, Signature Bank, and First Republic Bank, went bankrupt in succession.
Vicissitudes the US economy has undergone are such that nobody could predict with confidence what it will look like next spring. The post-pandemic global economy will look quite different from the past, but the entire picture is not yet visible. The prospect of the Ukraine war is anything but optimistic, and uncertainties are growing over the New US-China Cold War and the Taiwan contingency. The prolonged reversal of long and short-term interest rates may also pose difficulties for banks, which make their money by "borrowing in the short-term and lending in the long-term."
Hard as it is to foresee the future, this article is intended to discuss the medium- to long-term configuration of the US economy. Can the US economy continue to lead the world? In short, can it win the competition with China in a "New Cold War"? Although these are questions hard to easily answer, I want to offer my views on them.
2. US Advantages over the Medium- to Long-Term
When considering the medium- to long-term prospects of the global economy, few countries have such favorable fundamental conditions as does the United States. These include:
1) Population: The number of births in the United States in 2022 was 3,661,220, resulting in a synthetic fertility rate of 1.67 children per woman. 3 This figure is below the pre-corona level, failing to reach the value of 2.1 required to sustain the population, but it is one of the highest figures among developed countries. The US population, as a whole, grows due to the continued influx of immigrants. Net immigration in 2022 will reach 1.01 million, up from 380,000 the previous year, hitting a record high since 2017.
2) Industrial structure: The top five American corporations in terms of market capitalization are currently technology-based IT companies: Apple, Microsoft, Alphabet-Google, Amazon, and NVIDIA. 4 Meanwhile, the top five American companies as of 2000 were GE, Exxon, Pfizer, Citigroup, and Cisco. In just 20 years, the roster has completely changed. The greatest strength of the US economy lies in its system that accelerates innovation by attracting human resources, goods, and money to growth sectors.
3) Regional industrial strength: The US economy is strong in many sectors—not only in IT (mainly the West Coast) but also in a wide array of other industries, including energy and mining (American South), finance and services (American East), automotive (American Midwest), agriculture (nation-wide), and tourism (Florida and Hawaii). Each region has its leading industry, complementing each other; this is another strength of the US economy.
4) Energy self-sufficiency: It used to be considered the Achilles' heel of the US economy that America "must import large quantities of oil." During the 1991 Gulf War, the United States received criticism for waging "a war for oil." However, following the shale oil revolution in the 2000s, the United States has emerged as the world's largest oil producer. Its energy dependence on, among other regions, the Middle East has declined, and in the world facing the war in Ukraine, it is one of the few countries capable of exporting LNG. Furthermore, the resumption of nuclear power generation and the spread of renewable energy will ensure that the United States will achieve "Energy Independence," a long-standing challenge for the country.
5) Allies and friends: The hegemonic United States has many allies and friends. On the Atlantic side, it has an ally in NATO and Israel, and in the Indo-Pacific region, it maintains alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, and Southeast Asian countries. With Latin American countries, it signed the Inter-American Convention of Mutual Assistance. Those allies and friends could constitute invisible yet beneficial assets for the United States to lead the world.
6) The dollar standard: Although not as omnipotent as it used to be, the US dollar is still the world's key currency, accounting for just under 60% of foreign exchange reserves in other countries. US government bonds are considered to be the safest asset in the world, with $7.4 trillion out of the $31.4 trillion debt (as of April 2023) owned by Japan and other foreign countries. In recent years, however, Washington has too often resorted to financial sanctions as a diplomatic tool; as a result, an increasing number of countries are avoiding the US dollar.
Given these apparent advantages, there is no room for doubt about the US economy's medium- to long-term superiority. The US economic supremacy stands out especially when compared to China. 1) China has already entered a population decline due to its low birthrate and aging population. 2) There is a deepening divide between state-owned enterprises and private companies. 3) There are wide disparities among regions and cities. 4) The country is far from being self-sufficient in energy. 5) Its only ally is North Korea. 6) The internationalization of the renminbi still has a long way ahead to go.
These advantageous elements are, so to speak, "capabilities," and the US economic "performance" is exerted by multiplying these capabilities by the "will" of the nation. It is just like however powerful weapons it may possess, any army cannot win a war if it uses them poorly.
Allow me to cite an example associated with 6) The Dollar standard. Fitch Ratings Ltd. announced on August 1 this year that it had downgraded the US government bond rating from AAA to AA+. When they notified the US government in advance of the downward rating, reportedly, Fitch referred more than once to the "January 6 incident" or the attack on Congress by supporters of former President Trump. Fitch identified a "deterioration of governance" in America as one of the reasons for the downgrading. On the same day, Trump was indicted by a federal grand jury for his involvement in the incident. Special prosecutor Jack Smith, appointed by the Justice Department, said the Capitol riot was "an unprecedented attack on the heart of American democracy."
Ironically, the lawsuit seems to serve to further unite Trump supporters. The exact same phenomenon occurred at the time of the two previous indictments against Trump. The radical polarization of public opinion has made US politics dysfunctional. Fitch's decision to downgrade US government bonds was affected by US politics rather than by the US economy.
On June 2, the House and Senate passed the "Fiscal Responsibility Act" by unexpectedly large margins, postponing the debt ceiling issue until January 2025 after the next presidential election. It was undoubtedly a desirable result for the US economy, but whether it will improve the US fiscal situation is another question. The US economy will continue to grow; revenues may increase to some extent. In the meantime, however, Republicans will continue to seek tax cuts, whereas Democrats will continue to claim expenditure increases. Since the Fiscal Responsibility Act did not touch the debt ceiling question, the US debt will have increased much higher than the $31.4 trillion legal limit when the debt ceiling becomes binding in January 2025. No matter how robust the US economy is, we should not put too much faith in US government bonds when the American political situation is like this, should we?
To offer an analogy, the US economy resembles a card player having a good hand in the game—it is blessed with talents, money, technology, resources, innovation, and numerous friends. Yet, if the player plays his cards wrong, he will end up not making the most of the good hand.
Arthur Kroeber is an American economic journalist who has lived in Beijing for many years to cover the Chinese economy and US-China relations. In his recent book, "China's Economy," he asks himself whether China will replace the United States. 5 Kroeber's judgment is as follows: "China will never be content to be a U.S. vassal. But in the long run, it may lack the capacity to dislodge the United States from its dominance… assuming that the U.S. acts wisely to shore up its own strengths, a proposition that is now open to much doubt."
In sum, when discussing the medium- to long-term outlook for the US economy, we must focus on what are the US government's aims and whether its efforts will succeed.
3. "Restoring the Middle Class"—Top Priority Challenge for the Biden Administration
On April 27 this year, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan delivered an economic speech at the Brookings Institution entitled "Renewing American Economic Leadership." 6 "A security expert talks about economic issues. Why?" Sullivan's speech attracted the attention of Washingtonians.
Sullivan states that the United States is facing four crises (a hollowing industrial base; geopolitical competition; climate crisis and energy transition; widening inequality and a crisis of democracy). He calls for a "new Washington consensus."
This speech indicates that the Biden administration considers "domestic and foreign policy" and "the economy and national security" as things inseparable and prioritizes "restoring the middle class."
Sullivan participated in the Carnegie Peace Foundation research project "Making U.S. Foreign Policy Work Better for the Middle Class" (2017-2020). 7 After interviewing across the country, the project highlighted that US foreign policy was not supported by the middle class at home. The project recommendations conclude that future US diplomacy must pursue a "less ambitious foreign policy," prioritizing restoring the middle class.
Joe Biden, then a presidential "candidate," "bought the idea in its entirety." After winning the presidential election, he selected Sullivan as his national security advisor and made "foreign policy for the middle class" a principle of his administration.
How, until then, had the middle class viewed US foreign policy? The Carnegie report discusses various types of past foreign policy and declares that none of them benefited the middle class. Trump-style "America First" diplomacy and "climate change-obsessed" diplomacy as espoused by the radical left, are curtly dismissed.
Furthermore, "pro-business" and "pro-globalization" approaches, which have long constituted the centerpiece of US foreign policy, are also dismissed. In other words, diplomacy that promotes globalization and favors big business is not judged to benefit the middle class.
There was a time when the CEO of General Motors boastfully said that "what is good for GM is good for the United States"—the good old days when corporate prosperity brought wealth to the nation, which, in turn, led to individual happiness. Today, such a phrase is not at all based in. No matter how platform companies like GAFAM prosper, they do not add many jobs, their revenues evaporate, or they do not contribute to tax revenues. They move their manufacturing and research bases overseas and take little interest in increasing employment and wages at home. In other words, the interests of corporations, the state, and individuals do not overlap as much as they used to.
That said, if the Biden administration were to say, "The goal of our diplomacy is to raise middle-class wages," that would end up sounding a lot like "America First," "Buy American," namely, Trumpism. The Inflation-Reduction Act (IRA) and the CHIPS Act, which the Biden administration enacted last year, are protectionist laws that favor EV and semiconductor investments in North America but are discriminatory against extra regional products.
The EU initially reacted strongly against the IRA prioritizing US manufacturers. Eventually, however, the EU chose not to make matters worse; it may have reasoned that going green is an important issue whereas the WTO rules have already lost substance. The EU has shifted to a policy allowing its member states to provide domestic subsidies—with their eye on China. The country is already the world's forerunner in the production of EVs, which the EU emphasizes most. This is due, in large part, to the Chinese government's extraordinary domestic subsidies.
Reading between the lines of Sullivan's Brookings speech, his criticism seems to point at the Clinton administration of the 1990s rather than the Republican Party. Sullivan states that further tariff reduction will not be sought. He probably believes that trade liberalization during the Clinton administration, such as the launch of the WTO, China's accession to it, and the ratification of NAFTA, led to the downfall of the US middle class. Today's Democrats regard the neoliberal policies of the Clinton era as the paramount "evil."
On the Brookings Institution's website, many experts comment on Sullivan's speech. 8 Professor Larry Summers, Secretary of the Treasury under President Clinton, notes, "[W]e have 60,000 people working in the steel industry and 6 million people working in industries that use steel." He argues that cheap imported steel should be more beneficial to the US economy and that more emphasis should be placed on consumers and service industries, not manufacturing industries alone. This is the argument that an economist might make. If Sullivan were a student majoring in economics, Professor Summers might not hesitate to give him an F.
From a purely economic perspective, Sullivan's Brookings speech resembles a student's argument downplaying the market. It is well known that today's Republican policies swing to the far right, whereas Democratic policies are leaning too much to the left.
As a result, "Bidenomics" and "Trumpism" look surprisingly similar. However, as far as protectionism and industrial policy are concerned, Bidenomics is arguably more sophisticated. Edward Luce of the Financial Times outspokenly comments: "Biden's policy is Trumpism with a human face." 9
Nevertheless, the Biden administration aims to "restore the middle class." The middle class is considered to share converged political views due to its similar living standards. In a democracy, public opinion is more important than popular sentiment. Unless the "thick middle class" is restored as the political "center," US foreign policy will lose its orientation.
In today's American political scene, however, there is a minute division of principles and opinions in terms of generation, educational level, living place, race, gender, etc. The spread of SNS is also accelerating the polarization of people's consciousness.
The Biden administration is attempting to win back the support of the middle class, especially the white blue-collar class that supported Trump, by increasing domestic investments in semiconductors, renewable energy, and infrastructure; by creating more good-paying jobs. On the other hand, former President Trump fares well with white-blue collar voters by speaking for their "ressentiment."
Neither path seems to lead to a genuine "restoration of the middle class." The US economy is unlikely to escape this scheme of confrontation in the foreseeable future.
4. Where the US-China Semiconductor War Goes
Although the US economy has excellent fundamentals, US politics is so "ailing" that it is questionable whether the United States can behave sensibly. A return to globalism in a Biden presidency is questionable. For example, the prospects for the US re-entering the TPP under the Biden administration should be considered almost zero.
In this context, how should we view the current US-China confrontation? In his Brookings speech, Sullivan declared protecting US fundamental technologies from China with a "small yard, high fence" strategy or introducing regulations ("high fence") only in the area of cutting-edge semiconductor technology ("small yard"). According to the speech, the US government will not meddle with other private businesses but will welcome increased bilateral trade. The speech includes the fashionable phrase, "[W]e are for de-risking and diversifying, not decoupling." 10
A decoupling between economic superpowers like the United States and China is unrealistic. Above all, US companies would not follow government instructions. Silicon Valley and Wall Street companies maintain ties with Chinese firms in various ways. They are working to benefit their shareholders, not allowing for the government's intentions as their Japanese counterparts do.
The narrowing of the battlefront with China to the "small yard" may be seen as a conclusion that the United States has reached after years of trial-and-error efforts in the form of hard-line measures against China—tariff hikes, investment restrictions and sanctions against individual Chinese companies including Huawei.
The present author believes that the United States began to adopt a tougher stance toward China in 2015, toward the end of the Barack Obama administration. The following factors may have combined to create consensus within the Washington policy community:
- Security: In 2014-15, China's military buildup in the South China Sea continued. In response, the US military began the "Freedom of Navigation Operation" in 2016. In July 2016, regarding a China-Philippines dispute, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague ruled that "China's claim of its ‘nine-dash line' is groundless."
- Trade policy: In his January 2015 State of the Union address, President Obama declared accelerating TPP negotiations to prevent China from "writing international rules." China responded by creating the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) to increase its peers in the world of international finance.
- Environment policy: In November 2014 in Beijing, President Obama and President Xi Jinping issued a US-China Joint Statement on Climate Change. The US-China agreement opened the way for the "Paris Agreement" to be enacted at COP21 the following year. This meant, in a way, that the United States must no longer give "unnecessary consideration" to China.
- Science and Technology: In July 2015, China announced "Made in China 2025." Its goal was to "transform the country into the world's top manufacturing powerhouse" by 2049, the 100th anniversary of the founding of the PRC. Industrial policy approaches like this are not unusual in China, but "Made in China 2025" features focus on areas such as robotics, semiconductors, and AI; huge amounts of money were invested in relevant technological development.
The United States had another motive for accelerating its hard-line policy toward China during this period. Chris Miller's best-selling book, "Chip War," elaborates on this.
The book depicts the years around 2015 as the turning point when Intel, a US semiconductor giant, lost its competitiveness and gave up its rivalry with Taiwan's TSMC. 11 From this point, the United States could no longer count on "Intel that forgot innovation."
From the late 1990s, Intel enjoyed the effortless sale of its semiconductor products because Microsoft's Windows PCs running Intel chips sold incredibly well. However, smartphones were to replace PCs as major chip-consuming products, supporting a massive demand for cutting-edge semiconductors. Apple put its first iPhone on sale in 2007.
Since then, Apple has introduced new products at two-year intervals, each time requiring more advanced semiconductors, for which TSMC received orders. The Taiwanese chip giant was obliged to make massive investments in developing semiconductor miniaturization technology. Fortunately, Apple generously provided the necessary funds because its iPhone flew off the shelves. Thus, TSMC became the foremost supplier of cutting-edge semiconductors.
Ups and downs are an everyday thing in the semiconductor industry. Whenever new semiconductor demands emerge, old players drop, and new ones rise. The rise and fall of Japanese semiconductor manufacturers in the 1980s and 1990s is an example. The vicissitudes of Intel embody the "all-that-is-fair-must-fade" principle in this industry.
Meanwhile, US policymakers took it seriously that the United States could no longer produce semiconductors on its own. Their anxiety was further amplified by supply chain problems and a global shortage of semiconductors during the COVID-19 pandemic. Even if the United States can design cutting-edge semiconductor products but must depend on other countries for manufacturing them, such a situation is bound to threaten her national security.
In terms of economic logic, the correct solution would be to maintain domestic high-value-added sectors and outsource low-value-added sectors to other countries. Managers of semiconductor foundries in Taiwan used to keep a low profile, citing the "smile curve" logic and saying, "Ours is the lowest value-added sector." 12 Ostensibly, semiconductor foundries are in a vulnerable position, but this is not the situation. Once the semiconductor manufacturing process became so sophisticated that the influx of new entrants stopped, they came to dominate the trade.
In December 2022, TSMC announced that it would build a sophisticated 3-nanometer process plant in Arizona and begin production in 2026, which superficially suggests that TSMC succumbed to America's protectionist CHIPS Act. However, this is not the case; investments in the United States would serve as the ultimate insurance for the Taiwanese chip giant in case of a Taiwanese contingency. 13 From the US government's point of view, on the other hand, this would be another "victory for Bidenomics."
Chris Miller's "Chip War" traces the birth of "chip" to the summer of 1958, when the idea of the integrated circuit was born. It has already been 65 years since then. It can be viewed as a kind of miracle that the famous Moore's Law (the number of transistors in a dense integrated circuit doubles about every two years) has continued to be valid during this stretch of time.
The semiconductor industry is the poster child of globalism; human resources, goods, money, and technology—brought from around the world by the industry—have made the above miracle possible. However, under the current US policy of protectionism, such as the CHIPS Act and "friendshoring" or the practice of completing the supply chain of semiconductors only among friendly countries, the kind of technological innovation that has been realized to date would no longer be possible.
As long as there is a bipartisan consensus in the US Congress to "reject globalism," it is hard to have a positive outlook for the world economy. The United States may be able to stop China's adventurism, which, however, would be accompanied by no small amount of sacrifices. The costs may include lower global growth rates, inefficiencies, price hikes due to double investment, stagnant trade due to frequent trade frictions and staying-high tariffs, and delayed technological innovation.
As an aside, the political challenge of restoring the middle class will not be easy to realize.
As if to mock the author's pessimistic observation, the semiconductor industry is booming with "generative AI." To borrow an expression from the Economist magazine, "As in the early days of any gold rush, though, it is already minting fortunes for the sellers of the requisite picks and shovels." 14
In other words, it is uncertain whether attempts like "chat GPT" will succeed; challenges await ahead, such as how to create a profit model and how to deal with future regulations. Nonetheless, generative AI is indisputably a breakthrough technology; huge investments have already been made in producing the semiconductors needed for its development. Since smartphones are already a mature product, generative AI will instead support demand for semiconductors for the next decade or so.
This is the market mechanism and the inherent dynamism of the economy. The economy continues to change and develop beyond human wisdom. Since olden days, politics has never successfully controlled the economy.
If I dare to answer for now the question posed at the outset of this paper, I want to bet on the possibility that the US economy will emerge as the final victor, despite various wrong decisions made by politics.
(Chief Economist, Sojitz Research Institute, Ltd.)
(Translation by Tsutomu Inuzuka)
- October, 2023, " Political and Social Divide in the United States and Challenges for Democracy" by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- October, 2023, " Has US Foreign Policy Doctrine Changed? " by Tsuneo Watanabe, senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- October, 2023, " America's Journey to Hegemony and Its Challenges" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2023, " A Medium- to Long-Term Outlook for the US Economy―Can America Win the Competition with China?―" by Tatsuhiko Yoshizaki, Chief Economist, Sojitz Research Institute, Ltd.
- September, 2023, " China's Strategy toward the U.S " by Toshiya Tsugami, Adjunct Researcher, the Japan Institute of International Affairs
- September, 2023, " The Deepening Security Dilemma in US-China Relations " by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- July, 2023, "How Would North Korea and China Use Nuclear Weapons? -- Scenarios for Discussion" by Narushige Michishita, Professor at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July, 2023, "Japan's Nuclear Strategy" by Nobukatsu Kanehara, Visiting Professor at Doshisha University
- July, 2023, "G7 Hiroshima Summit and Efforts for a Safer World Without Nuclear Weapons" by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor at the University of Tokyo
- July, 2023, "Roundtable Discussion—Let's Talk Frankly About Nuclear Issues" by SSDP Discussion Members
- June, 2023, "Exploring the Possibility of Nuclear Attacks on Japan－Nuclear Simulations in the Era of "Three-Front Nuclear Threats" by Hiroyasu Akutsu, Professor, Heisei International University
- June, 2023, "China's Aim to Become a Nuclear Superpower" by Masafumi Iida, Head of China Division at the National Institute for Defense Studies
- June, 2023, "Challenges for Nuclear Arms Control in the Era of Strategic Competition Among Major Powers" by Nobumasa Akiyama, Professor, Hitotsubashi University
- June, 2023, "Mechanisms and Functions of Nuclear Deterrence－Development of US Nuclear Strategic Theory" by Masashi Murano, Research Fellow of Hudson Institute
- April 2023, "Changing NATO's "Achilles Heel"—Security in the Baltic Region" by Sanshiro Hosaka, Fellow,The International Centre for Defence and Security, Estonia
- April 2023, Evolution of European Security System - Visualization of Deterrence by NATO and the "Russian Problem" by Michito Tsuruoka, Associate Professor, Keio University
- April 2023, "An Expanded NATO's Nuclear Strategy" by Yoko Iwama
- March, 2023, "Germany's Civilian Power Model—Modification or Termination?--Germany Struggling with the War in Ukraine" by Toshiya Nakamura, Professor, Nagoya University
- March, 2023, "France and the Ukraine War―The Logic Behind Macron's Security Policy" by Ken Endo, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- March, 2023, "The Russo-Ukrainian War and the British Response: 2014-2023" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- March, 2023, "Where is America Heading—Implications and Challenges for the Allies" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
December 2022, Proposal "Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a New Cold War Era" was announced
- Front Cover
- Changes in the Security Environment Surrounding Japan - Shifting Power Balance and the Three Front Threats Ken Jimbo
- How Will "Japan Contingencies" Emerge? Osamu Onoda
- The Japan-US Alliance Revisited: Is it Dependable? Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki
- A New Phase of Defense Diplomacy and Defense Production and Technology Base Ippeita Nishida, Tsuneo Watanabe
- Intelligence Activities in the Post-Ukraine War Era Jun Nagashima
- Responding to the Nuclear Threat Masashi Murano
- No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities - Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland? - Ryoichi Oriki
- Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi
- October 2022, "Japan-China Relations under the Long-term Administration of Xi Jinping: Current Status, Prospects, and Expectations" written by Kazuyuki Suwa, Professor, University of Shizuoka
- October 2022, "China's Policy on the Global South --- China's World View and the Configuration of the US-China Confrontation " written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- October 2022, "Military Strategy of Xi Jinping's China" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasagawa Peace Foundation
- September 2022, " Social Governance by the Communist Party of China: The Present State and the Future Prospects " written by Kazuko Kojima, Professor, Keio University
- September 2022, "The Relationship between Domestic Politics and Diplomacy under the Xi Jinping Administration- Why Were the Large-Scale Military Exercises Decided?" written by Chisako T. Masuo, Professor, Kyushu University
- September 2022, "Xi Jinping's China--- Prospects for Its Climate Change Policy ---" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, The University of Kyoto
- August 2022, " Current Assessment of the Xi Jinping's Rule and Prospects for the Third Term of the Xi Administration " written by Takashi Suzuki, Associate Professor, Aichi Prefectural University
- August 2022, " Economic Challenges Awaiting the Xi Jinping Administration As it Enters its Third Term" written by Toshiya Tsugami, Director, Tsugami Toshiya's Works
- July 2022, "The Russian Invasion of Ukraine and the Future International Legal Order" written by Masahiro Kurosaki, Associate Professor, National Defense Academy
- July 2022, "The Ukraine War and Security in East Asia" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2022, "How Will the Ukraine War Change the New US-China Cold War?" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- July 2022, "Impact of the Ukraine War on the Global Economy" written by Tatsuhiko Yoshizaki, Chief Economist, Sojitz Research Institute, Ltd.
- June 2022, "Why War Occurs in Europe?--The Structural Transformation of the European Security Order in the Post-Cold War Era --" written by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- June 2022,"The Russia-Ukrainian War and the Behind-the-Scenes Stance of the United States" "On Economic Security" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- June 2022, "The Russia-Ukraine War and NATO", written by Michito Tsuruoka, Associate Professor, Keio University
- June 2022, "The Ukrainian War Viewed from Theories of International Politics" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defens Academy
- March 2022, "Economic Security Challenges and Cyber Security" written by Jun Osawa, Senior Research Fellow, Nakasone Peace Institute
- March 2022, "On Economic Security" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the Ntional Defense Academy
- March 2022, ""Economic Security" and the Review of the 2013 NSS and the Related Strategy Documents" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, the University of Tokyo
- March 2022, "The US-China Rivalry and Economic Security" written by Yuzo Murayama, Professor, Doshisya University
- March 2022, "Japan's National Security Policies and Science and Technology" written by Nobukatsu Kanehara, Professor, Doshisya University
- March 2022, "Economic Security in the Free Trade Regime" written by Kazuto Suzuki, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January 2022, "The 2022 South Korean Presidential Election and the Next Administration's Foreign and Security Policy" written by Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- January 2022, "North Korea's Nuclear and Missile Development and Japan's Defense" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, GRIPS
- January 2022, "What will Become of Japan-South Korea Relations? The 1965 Japan-South Korea Treaty System in Jeopardy" written by Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- December 2021, "Economic and Social Conditions in North Korea and its Relations with South Korea" written by Mitsuhiro Mimura, Chief Research Fellow, The Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia.
- December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
- December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shunji Hiraiwa, Professor, Nanzan University.
- December 2021, "What to Do with the Relations with North Korea?" written by Hitoshi Tanaka, Chairman for Institute for International Strategy at the Japan Research Institute.
- October 2021, "Strategic Implications of North Korea's Enhanced Nuclear and Missile Capabilities" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- October 2021, "The Biden Administration's North Korea Policy: Its Low Priority and Looming Crises" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- October 2021, "The Evolution of the US-ROK Alliance: Tasks in the Biden Era" written by Yasuyo Sakata, Professor, Kanda University of International Studies.
- September 2021, "The Development of Regional Security Architecture: From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific" written by Ken Jimbo, Professor, Keio University.
- September 2021, "The Strategic Development of Japanese Security Cooperation under Superpower Competition and the Development of the FOIP and its Operationalization" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo.
- August 2021, "Security Perceptions of Central Asian Countries--- From the Perspective of China Studies ---" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
- August 2021, "Security in the Indian Ocean Region---Implication of the Galwan Incident for QUAD in the Indo-Pacific" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao, Fellow (Non-Resident), Hudson Institute.
- August 2021, "Easternization and Security in Asia" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- July 2021, "The Ideas of "Autonomy" and "Self-Reliance" in Contemporary India's Foreign Strategy" written by Kazutoshi TAMARI, Associate Professor,Chukyo University.
- July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
- July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
- July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
- June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
- June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
- June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
- June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
- May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
- May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
- March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
- March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
- February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
- February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
- September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
- September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
- "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
- September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
- August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
- August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
- August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
- August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.