(Project of the Kajima Institute of International Peace)
An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula
Junya Nishino, Keio University
There are varied assessments of the June 12, 2018 US-North Korea Summit and of the Joint Statement ("Joint Statement of President Donald J. Trump of the United States of America and Chairman Kim Jong Un of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea at the Singapore Summit") derived from the Summit. The most predominant views are that the Summit and the Joint Statement fell short of expectations that the US and North Korean leaders could reach some concrete agreement upon the denuclearization of North Korea, and that CVID (complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearization) might be referred to in the text of the Statement. Forward-looking pre-Summit prospects reiterated by President Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on the possibility of such an agreement helped foment public expectations. On the day before the Summit, Pompeo repeated at a press conference that CVID would be the only outcome acceptable to the United States.
In retrospect, however, President Trump's recognition about the denuclearization of North Korea gradually turned pessimistic from mid-May, and the president went so far as to announce the cancellation of the Summit. After a meeting with Kim Yong-chol, Deputy Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea, at the White House in early June, President Trump said, "June 12th, we'll be in Singapore. It will be a beginning. I don't say and I've never said it happens in one meeting." "We're going to really start a process," he said.1 Guessing that any distinct progress could not be expected toward the North Korean denuclearization, the media turned more attention to a declaration to end the Korean War. President Trump also said after the meeting with Kim Yong-chol, "We talked about ending the Korean War." His proactive attitude invited an increasing attention to a war-ending declaration. However, the Joint Statement failed to make any concrete reference to the denuclearization, or to a war-ending declaration. Consequently, there is a prevailing general public impression that the US-North Korea Summit fell short of expectations.
I. An analysis of the Summit and the Joint Statement
1. An ill-prepared Summit talk
As for the most focal issue of North Korea's denuclearization, the Summit barely included a short statement, "Reaffirming the April 27, 2018 Panmunjom Declaration, the DPRK commits to work toward complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula."2 The Joint Statement maintains complete silence about the definition of "denuclearization," a possible road map, or a specific timeline.
But this development should be seen as a matter of course when we look back over the past history. The recent Summit meeting is worth being called an event of paramount complexities for the leaders of the two nations that have been in confrontation over 70 years, fought directly in the Korean War, and are still legally in a state of war with each other. President Trump first officially announced his intention on March 8 to hold a bilateral summit, and later scheduled it for June 12. A preparation time of three months was unquestionably short for both parties to reach an agreement on the difficult issue of North Korea's denuclearization. Preparatory working-level meetings were held in succession six times at Panmunjom, and three times in Singapore on the previous day of the Summit, but failed to reach any concrete consensus on denuclearization procedures.
Nonetheless, it is noteworthy that the Joint Statement specifies both parties' commitment to holding follow-on negotiations to implement the outcomes of the Summit, designating Pompeo to pilot the negotiations. It is quite interesting that in such a historic document as the Joint Statement, the name of Mike Pompeo is inscribed alongside with that of the two leaders. As is well known, Secretary of State Pompeo visited North Korea twice for preparation of the Summit and held a high-level meeting with Kim Yong-chol several times. President Trump seems to think that Pompeo should be accountable for the process to the end.
2. A start toward a "new relationship"
In defiance of numerous adverse comments, the protagonists Trump and Kim have in a self-congratulatory manner praised the Summit and the Joint Statement. At the time of the signing ceremony, they said that they would regard the Summit as "a new start." They made an appeal to the effect that the Summit is worth being called "historic" in the sense that it would touch off the process of terminating hostility between the United States and North Korea that has lasted for over 70 years since 1948 when the divided states came into existence in the Korean Peninsula3.
Certainly, the Summit was unprecedented and historic in the sense that the leaders of the two states in conflict met for the first time and signed a joint statement. The United States and North Korea concluded some agreements in the past --- the Geneva agreement in October 1994 and the "Leap Day" agreement in February 2012 --- and issued a joint communique at the time of an October 2000 visit to the White House by North Korean Chasu (Vice Marshal) Jo Myong-rok. This communique included such statements as "the two sides agreed there are a variety of available means, including Four Party talks, to reduce tension on the Korean Peninsula and formally end the Korean War by replacing the 1953 Armistice Agreement with permanent peace arrangements" and "the two sides stated that neither government would have hostile intent toward the other and confirmed the commitment of both governments to make every effort in the future to build a new relationship free from past enmity."4 It was more concrete and comprehensive than the recent joint statement in Singapore. Unfortunately, however, the communique lacked the commitments of the state heads of the two nations and did not serve as a manifestation of their political wills on the implementation of the agreed to issues. The contents of the communique were not implemented. (Among the other reasons for this outcome were the influences of the change in the US government in 2000 and the September 11 2001 terrorist attacks.) Considering these past experiences, it is of a special significance that the US and North Korean leaders signed the Joint Statement in Singapore --- particularly that the North Korean supreme leader himself signed the document.
3. An agreement on a large framework
Although the Joint Statement does not include any reference to concrete procedures for North Korea's denuclearization, its significance lies in the fact that the document specifies a large framework for US-North Korea transactions or a "deal" as called by President Trump. The Joint Statement draws attention to its four commitment clauses: "1. The United States and the DPRK commit to establish new U.S.-DPRK relations in accordance with the desire of the peoples of the two countries for peace and prosperity. 2. The United States and the DPRK will join their efforts to build a lasting and stable peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. 3. Reaffirming the April 27, 2018 Panmunjom Declaration, the DPRK commits to work toward complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. 4. The United States and the DPRK commit to recovering POW/MIA remains, including the immediate repatriation of those already identified." However, the most important part of the document is the statement in a preceding paragraph, "President Trump committed to provide security guarantees to the DPRK, and Chairman Kim Jong Un reaffirmed his firm and unwavering commitment to complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula", representing a scheme of trading "security guarantees" with "complete denuclearization." Yet, since the Joint Statement is no more than a framework agreement, the meanings of "security guarantees" and "complete denuclearization" remain obscure at this moment and it is up to the two leader's political judgement as to how to define and construe those key terms.
II. How the negotiation process proceeds
1. Time-consuming denuclearization process --- a common outlook
The Joint Statement suggests the trading of "complete denuclearization" with "security guarantees," but includes no reference to any specific procedures to achieve the goal, or to any rule of reciprocity regarding each other's actions. However, if, as reported by the June 13 issue of "The Rodong Sinmun," the United States and North Korea shared the recognition of the importance of abiding by the principle of step-by-step and simultaneous action, the future process of denuclearization would span long periods of time5.
In this connection, the third paragraph of the Joint Statement reads: "(the two leaders recognize) that mutual confidence building can promote the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula." In other words, both sides share a common recognition that the realization of the Peninsula's denuclearization would be difficult without confidence-building between the United States and North Korea. The two leaders, therefore, have decided to build mutual trust by manifesting mutual goodwill. From the viewpoint of President Trump, the cancellation of US-South Korea joint military drills (Ulchi-Freedom Guardian in 2018) is a manifestation of the United States' goowill, while the abandonment of a missile engine testing site is similarly a sign of North Korea's goodwill. "The Rodong Sinmun" reported that President Trump "expressed his intention to halt the U.S.-South Korea joint military exercises, which the DPRK side regards as provocation, over a period of good-will dialogue between the DPRK and the U.S., offer security guarantees to the DPRK and lift sanctions against it along with advance in improving the mutual relationship through dialogue and negotiation."
On the other hand, several technical reports appeared on a timeframe for North Korea's denuclearization. A Stanford University research team led by Professor Siegfried Hecker estimates the timeframe to be from 10 to 15 years,6 whereas other experts including Professor David Albright of the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS) suggests a two-year or so timeline.7 As mentioned earlier, it is largely up to relevant political leaders including President Trump to judge the completion of North Korea's denuclearization. At his post-summit press conference in Singapore, President Trump said that the complete denuclearization would require a long time, but he did not comment on the definition of complete denuclearization.
2. North Korea prioritizing the building of a peace regime
President Trump called the day of June 12 as a beginning of the process, while Chairman Kim Jong-un designated the Joint Statement as "a historic document" heralding "a new start," saying, "The world will see a major change." Both leaders share the awareness that they have made "a new start," but it is evident that there is a discrepancy in recognition by the two countries about how to proceed with the future process. For the international community including the United States, the issue of North Korean denuclearization is the focal point of the process. For North Korea, on the other hand, the primary issue is peacebuilding in the Korean Peninsula inclusive of regime guarantees.
Then, what are the regime guarantees North Korea requires? North Korea may think that a combination of different measures is necessary for regime guarantees --- which can be readily inferred from the fact that "security guarantees" are presented in plural form in the Joint Statement. When "regime guarantees" consisting of multiple measures are realized, the "complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula," which should have been pursued in parallel, will also be completed --- North Korea seems to envisage such a development of events as the establishment of a "peace regime" in the Korean Peninsula. If I may venture to offer a simplification, what is mentioned above may be formulated as follows: the implementation of "regime guarantees" measures + the parallel implementation of "denuclearization" measures = the establishment of "peace regime" in the Korean Peninsula.
Concrete measures for North Korean regime guarantees may be discussed in three different dimensions --- political guarantee, military guarantee, and economic guarantee (Categorization by a South Korean Moon Chung-in, Special Advisor on Unification, Diplomacy and National Security Affairs). Principal measures under each of the three categories may be summed up as below. These three categories of measures are not independent, but are related to each other. In the future process of North Korea's denuclearization, these measures will be implemented along with the denuclearization efforts of North Korea.
Political guarantee: Normalization of the US-North Korea relations (Step-by-step measures from the creation of a liaison office to the establishment of diplomatic ties) / Step-by-step multilateral measures from a declaration of ending the Korean War to a peace treaty
Military guarantee: Suspension of US-ROK joint military drills / Non-deployment of strategic weapons around the Korean Peninsula / a US-North Korea non-aggression agreement / a downward review of the USFK presence
Economic guarantee: Relaxation and cancellation of economic sanctions (both United Nations Security Council resolution sanctions and member states' indipendent sanctions) / Economic cooperation and support by foreign countries / North Korea's admission to international organizations (IMF, World Bank, etc.) and relevant support to that end
3. The Joint Statement and the Panmunjom Declaration --- an inseparable set
The improvement of the inter-Korean relations starting in early 2018 has been inseparably related to the realization of the US-North Korea Summit. In the future process in which the United States and North Korea are to continue improving their relations, or in the process of implementation of the Joint Statement, the Panmunjom Declaration signed by the two Korean leaders on April 27 is to be implemented alike. We can learn this process from the fact that the US-North Korea Joint Statement refers to the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula by reaffirming the Panmunjom Declaration.
The content of the Panmunjom Declaration consists of the following three pillars8:
(1) Promote common prosperity and reunification of Korea through dramatic improvement and development of inter-Korean relations
(2) Elimination of military tension and substantial elimination of war risk
(3) Establishing a permanent, solid peace regime for the Korean Peninsla
As is shown below, the three pillars comprise a large number of individual measures, and the implementation of these measures can be said to lead directly to the North Korean regime guarantees. Consequently, the implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration and that of the Joint Statement are an inseparable set in the light of the North Korean regime guarantees. Particularly, the third pillar, or the building of a permanent, solid peace regime, encompasses gradual disarmament, a declaration of ending the Korean War, and a peace treaty --- the most vital topics related to the North Korean relations with South Korea and the United States.
(1) Promote common prosperity and reunification of Korea through dramatic improvement and development of inter-Korean relations.
1) Implement all existing agreements and declarations adopted between the two sides thus far. 2) Hold dialogue and negotiations in various fields including at high level, and take practical measures for the implementation of the agreements reached at the inter-Korean summit. 3) Establish a joint liaison office in the Gaeseong region. 4) Encourage more active cooperation, exchanges, visits and contacts at all levels. 5) Resolve the humanitarian issues that resulted from the division of the country, and to solve various issues including the reunification of separated families. 6) Implement the projects previously agreed to in the October 4 Declaration (issued from the 2007 inter-Korean summit), in order to promote balanced economic growth and co-prosperity of the nation.
(2) Elimination of military tension and substantial elimination of war risk
1) Transform the DMZ into a peace zone. 2) Devise a practical scheme to turn the areas around the Northern Limit Line in the West Sea into a maritime peace zone. 3) Ensure active mutual cooperation, exchanges, visits and contacts, and hold frequent meetings between military authorities.
(3) Establishing a permanent and peaceful Korean Peninsula peace regime
1) Reaffirm the Non-Aggression Agreement. 2) Carry out disarmament in a phased manner, as military tension is reduced and substantial progress is made in military confidence-building. 3) Pursue during the year 2018 trilateral meetings or quadrilateral meetings with a view to declaring an end to the Korean War, turning the Korean Armistice Agreement into a peace treaty, and establishing a permanent and solid peace regime. 4) Confirm the common goal of realizing, through complete denuclearization, a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula.
III. Expected impacts on Japan
The meaning of "complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula" has yet to be defined. The states concerned share a recognition that it would take North Korea a considerable length of time to dismantle its nuclear program. The current process, if destroyed prematurely without reaching the goal, would bring about the danger of allowing North Korea to make their possession of nuclear weapons an accomplished fact. The longer time elapses without completing the North Korean denuclearization, the more danger we will face of eventually neighboring with a nuke-armed North Korea, never being free from the main source of our security anxiety.
Actually, all of the actions so far taken by North Korea after the Singapore Summit are the suspension of nuclear testing and missile launch experiments, the destruction of the Punggye-ri nuclear testing site, and a verbal declaration of the abandonment of missile and engine testing facilities. DPRK has not yet stopped producing nuclear materials or nuclear warheads, nor it has disposed of nuclear materials or nuclear warheads produced in the past. Above all, it is necessary to immediately take actions for denuclearization against North Korea's nuclear developments past and present. Otherwise, it would be difficult to judge that the Japanese security environment has improved.
In addition to paying attention to North Korea's denuclearization process, Japan should focus more than ever concern on the process of establishing a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula.9 If, as the Panmunjom declaration expresses, the state of armistice from the Korean War comes to an end and a peace treaty is concluded in place of the present Armistice Agreement, the current order in the Korean Peninsula lasting for 65 years from 1953 will shift to a new one. Although this is basically a desirable move, we will face another question of addressing the state of instability and uncertainty accompanying an orderly transition period. Furthermore, "turning the Korean Armistice Agreement into a peace treaty" would entail a complex process of coordinating interests involving South and North Korea, the United States and China. There is a possibility that during the transition period, international politics in Northeast Asia will be saturated with tension.
To safeguard its security, Japan should prepare for the following three developments. Firstly, if the military tension in the Korean Peninsula is reduced in a mid- to long-term perspective, the United States and South Korea will eventually have to consider a downward review of the USFK's quantitative and qualitative presence. The USFK will not be reduced in the short term; however, since it is a problem directly affecting its security, Japan should keep watch over the development of the current situation from a long-term perspective. The downsizing of the USFK presence might not only entail the instability of the regional situation but an increase in Japan's security expenses.
Secondly, the conclusion of a peace treaty between South and North Korea is highly likely to result in the dismantlement of the United Nations Command (UNC), which oversees the implementation of the Armistice Agreement. The UNC, which was established based on a series of UN Security Council resolutions adopted in response to the North Korean invasion of South Korea in June 1950, will end its role with the coming into force of a peace treaty between the two Koreas. In that case, the role and existence of the seven UN-designated bases in Japan, including UNC-Rear at Yokota Air Base, will be reviewed.
Thirdly, a transformation of the ROK-US Combined Defense System will take place along with the above. Since the 1990s, "Koreanization of Korean defense" has been promoted. This involves a stronger leadership by the Korean army in its national defense efforts with support from the USFK. The latter half of 2000s witnessed full-scale preparations for transferring OPCON (wartime operational control) of the Korean army to the Korean side. Currently, the ROK-US Combined Forces Commander (a US army general) still holds OPCON of the Korean army. Once the above OPCON transfer has been realized, the chain of command of the US and South Korean armies will alter a great deal, and the ROK-US Combined Forces Command will likely be dissolved amidst reform efforts.
These three changes can be said to represent a major transformation of the security mechanism in Northeast Asia which has been in existence for nearly 70 years. The transformation will call for a full review of Japan's security policy. In addition, if a Korean Peninsula peace regime has the possibility of becoming a reality, Japan will be asked a difficult question on how to help build the regime or, in other words, what contribution it will make toward peace on the Korean Peninsula and in Northeast Asia. It is time that Japan should prepare her answer to the question and be ready for action at any time.
December 2022, Proposal "Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a New Cold War Era" was announced
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- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.