SSDP

Has US Foreign Policy Doctrine Changed?

Tsuneo Watanabe

Introduction

Has US foreign policy doctrine (foreign policy principles) significantly changed under the Biden administration from the previous tenets of American foreign policy? Or has it changed little in its basic stance? It is generally recognized that the United States has lost the capacity to sustain the global order, which was once underpinned by its dominant economic and military power in the post-World War II world. Given changes in American power relative to the rest of the world, it is only natural that US foreign policy must also change.

For example, it is unreasonable to assume that the Biden administration is still carrying on the post-Cold War policy of the New World Order, supported by a strong US presence, which the G. H. Bush administration advocated in the wake of its victory in the Gulf War. It is natural to conclude that the G. W. Bush administration's unilateralism criticized for starting the Iraq War and the US unipolar structure behind it have also vanished due to the resulting difficulties of 20 years from the Iraq War and the erosion of public support at home.

In addition, the United States faced domestic discontent and divide; its foreign policy inevitably became inward-looking or passive. The Trump administration's imposing of unilateral tariffs based on "America First" and the Biden administration's continuing the former administration's protectionism under the guise of a "foreign policy for the middle class" are clear signs of the decline of American liberalism.

Has the United States gone so far as to abandon its role in shaping and maintaining the international order? In his book "Word Order," written in 2014, before the Trump administration came to power, Henry Kissinger gives an overview of the history of American leadership in maintaining the international order. Kissinger points out that "every international order must sooner or later face the impact of two tendencies challenging its cohesion: either a redefinition of legitimacy or a significant shift in the balance of power." ¹ He cites the collapse of the Communist international order caused by the dissolution of the Soviet Union as an example of the disruption of order when "one of its major components ceases to play its role or ceases to exist."

On the other hand, Kissinger outlines the contribution of the US presence to shaping the international order and then makes the optimistic observation, "A purposeful American role will be philosophically and geopolitically imperative for the challenges of our period." ² At the same time, he compares history to a stream of water, referring to the difficulty of understanding history that, like water, is ever changing.

After Kissinger's book appeared, the inward-looking Trump administration came to power, and the Biden administration also adopted the inward-looking tendency. These two administrations may have reduced the US role in maintaining the international order but did not go so far as to abandon that role. In its national security policy, the Trump administration proposed "peace through strength," articulating the US role in defending the international order against revisionist powers such as Russia and China. ³ The Biden administration's national security strategy also follows this line. ⁴

This paper is intended to focus on multiple factors taken from the history of US foreign policy and the Biden administration's current foreign policy to examine whether US diplomatic doctrine has undergone significant changes.

Changing US Perceptions of US-China Relations and the International Order

Arguably, the Biden administration's foreign policy is fully aware of the relative decline of US influence in the existing international order. Notable is the difference in nuances between the first paragraph of the G. W. Bush administration's 2002 National Security Strategy (NSS) and that of the Biden administration's 2022 NSS.

The G. W. Bush administration's NSS begins with the following passage:

The United States possesses unprecedented—and unequaled—strength and influence in the world. Sustained by faith in the principles of liberty, and the value of a free society, this position comes with unparalleled responsibilities, obligations, and opportunity. The great strength of this nation must be used to promote a balance of power that favors freedom. ⁵

The Biden administration's NSS, on the other hand, starts to read as follows:

We are now in the early years of a decisive decade for America and the world. The terms of geopolitical competition between the major powers will be set. The window of opportunity to deal with shared threats, like climate change, will narrow drastically. The actions we take now will shape whether this period is known as an age of conflict and discord or the beginning of a more stable and prosperous future. ⁶

Thus, we have only to compare the first paragraph of the NSS of each of the two administrations to see the difference in nuances regarding the US perceptions of the international order and the country itself. The 2002 NSS shows the overwhelming confidence in America's superiority and the strong sense of mission to protect a freedom-based international order, while the 2022 NSS's sense of crisis about the international order and its low-keyed description of the US role in it make it hard to believe that the same nation issued these different documents with a 20-year interval in between.

As Kissinger notes, psychological factors may play a crucial role in creating such a perception gap. If that is the case, it may be another thing whether the perception gap reflects each administration's objective perception of power. Under the G. W. Bush administration, foreign and security policies were led by the so-called neoconservatives who had a sense of mission for the democratization of the world and a desire to achieve this by using US power. This policy line widely differs from the Trump administration, which deliberately excluded neoconservatives.

On a more objective comparison, US military spending, enjoying the world's largest budget, was $877 billion in 2022, whereas China, the second largest, is estimated to secure $292 billion worth of spending, close to one-third of the United States. ⁷ However, as of 2002, the US military spending was $378.46 billion, ⁸ while China's was $30.28 billion, less than one-tenth of the United States'. ⁹ These figures alone would be enough to demand US political leaders to change their perception of the international order and US influence.

Comparing the international environment as of 2002 and today, the threat to the United States in 2002 was international terrorism. Although the United States perceived in those days Russia and China as "countries at a strategic crossroads," they were at least cooperative partners in addressing international terrorism. In 2022 that witnessed Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February and the escalation of the US-China confrontation, Russia and China were recognized as strategic competitors. ¹⁰

Continuities and Differences Between Traditional US Foreign Policy Doctrines and the Biden Doctrine

Let us compare President Biden's foreign policy with the traditional American foreign policy doctrines. As for the latter, we consult the diplomatic views of Henry Kissinger, a scholar of international relations and politician with extensive diplomatic experience who served as US secretary of state and national security advisor to the US president.

The factors in US foreign policy that Kissinger emphasizes are realism and idealism—two genes that define it. Historically, he considers Theodore Roosevelt's way of "Speak quietly and carry a big stick" and a foreign policy based on the balance of power as representing the American tradition of realist foreign policy, to which Kissinger himself belongs. ¹¹ Kissinger describes T. Roosevelt's view: "[F]oreign policy was the art of adapting American policy to balance global power discretely and resolutely, tilting events in the direction of the national interest." ¹² Roosevelt believed if the United States broke with the isolationism represented by the Monroe Declaration, and if, as the only country commercially vibrant without threatening its regional competitors and as both an Atlantic and a Pacific power, it intervened to preserve an equilibrium of forces in every strategically important region, "America would emerge as the decisive guardian of the global balance and, through this, international peace." ¹³

T. Roosevelt favored Japan's victory in the Russo-Japan War (1904-1905) as it would be in the US interests to halt Russia's eastward expansion into Manchuria and Korea, while he concluded that the Japanese victory could threaten the US position in Southeast Asia. Kissinger commends Roosevelt as having opened the path for the United States to contribute to managing the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific.

Kissinger, on the other hand, considers President Woodrow Wilson as a leader who planted a gene of idealism in US foreign policy: he intervened in World War I under the banner of the universalization of morality—an alien idea to European diplomacy—and launched a postwar peace initiative to "make the world safe for democracy" instead of achieving a balance of power in Europe. ¹⁴ However, Kissinger does not appear to highly evaluate Wilson's post-WWI initiative of the League of Nations based on the ideological concept of collective security. Kissinger understands that Wilson's greatness does not lie in conceiving the collective self-defense setup but in stirring up feelings among Americans that they are special, thereby rallying public support through the power of ideas. ¹⁵

According to Kissinger, each of the 12 postwar American presidents enthusiastically affirmed America's distinct role in the world and declared it self-evident that the United States should embark on a selfless quest for the solution of conflicts and for equality among all nations. They claimed that American principles could apply to the entire world. ¹⁶

Kissinger is critical of the prolonged US intervention in the Vietnam War, in which he was involved as a government official, and of the G. W. Bush administration's initiation of war in Afghanistan and Iraq. He is also critical of the G. W. Bush administration's "Freedom Agenda," which aimed to propagate democracy in the Middle East by democratizing Iraq. Although the 2002 NSS repeats the gist of the NSC-68 memorandum (1950), which articulated America's role in the Cold War, the crucial difference between them is that the 1950 document sought to utilize American values in the defense of the free world, while the 2002 NSS called for removing tyranny in all regions in the world. ¹⁷

Kissinger notes that domestic debate within the United States is a clash between idealism and realism and that when the country did not act on the two principles for the benefit of itself and other countries, its foreign policy failed to reflect American ideas or to gain practical diplomatic benefits. He cites as such an example the G. W. Bush administration's starting the war in Iraq. ¹⁸

Kissinger's erudite works help us to summarize US foreign policy since T. Roosevelt in terms of its basic diplomatic stance as follows: (A) fulfilling national interests in security and the economy; (B) taking responsibility for maintaining the international order, and (C) disseminating American ideas of democracy to the rest of the world. These are America's foreign policy goals to date or factors in its doctrine. The best approach to achieve these foreign policy goals may be an appropriate combination of realism to implement a balance of power and idealism to implement political and economic liberalism.

Hypotheses Regarding the Biden Administration's Foreign Policy Doctrine

Various hypotheses have appeared regarding President Biden's foreign policy doctrine. The present author's hypothesis, based on US government proposals and the opinions of experts, is that the United States, while upholding the primary principles of human rights and democracy, will be aware of the relative decline in its military and economic power and will adopt a flexible stance in accordance with the reality of the situation. ¹⁹ In the following four cases, the Biden administration appears to be conducting foreign policy in line with the above doctrine.

Case 1: Foreign Policy Toward India

India is importing a large amount of Russian crude oil, which has become available at cheaper prices due to sanctions imposed by the West in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. India's crude oil imports from Russia in January 2023 totaled 19.96 million tons, up 1.7% from the previous month and 3.5% from the previous year. ²⁰ Although India is the world's largest democracy, the Modi administration's Hindu nationalism has exposed Muslims and other religious minorities to violence and serious human rights abuses.

Nonetheless, Prime Minister Modi was invited to the United States as a state guest and held a summit meeting with President Biden on June 22, 2023. Outside the White House, where the US-India summit took place, there were mass protests against India's repression of minorities and of the media. President Biden refrained from criticizing Modi on that point and instead agreed to a joint production of engines for the F18 Hornet fighter jet by General Electric Company and an Indian state-owned enterprise. President Biden's policy toward India prioritizes India's values, which support the country's anti-China actions on the geopolitical chessboard, over democratic values. ²¹

Case 2: Foreign Policy Toward Saudi Arabia

With an eye on next year's presidential election, the Biden administration's overriding priority is to lower gasoline prices and curb inflation at home. Therefore, it has been attempting to pragmatically settle a dispute with Saudi leader Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman over the murder of Washington Post columnist Khashoggi.

President Biden visited Saudi Arabia during his Middle East trip on July 13-16, 2022 to mend relations with the Crown Prince. Khashoggi's fiancée and the Washington Post CEO criticized Biden for being photographed in a friendly fist bump with the Crown Prince before attending a meeting. ²²

Later, the Saudis cut oil production to the disappointment of Washington, but the Biden administration's foreign policy toward Saudi Arabia has not changed. President Biden's Saudi policy, which initially began with an ideological emphasis on human rights and democratization, has since shifted to a pragmatic stance reflecting the current domestic and international political and geopolitical situation.

Case 3: Foreign Policy Toward China

The Biden administration is promoting a policy of rivalry and competition with China in security and in the economy; tensions between the two superpowers are rising. Meanwhile, Secretary of State Blinken's visit to China on June 18-19, 2023 demonstrates the desire on both sides to restore diplomatic channels, at least at the ministerial level. In addition, Treasury Secretary Yellen clarified the purpose of her visit to Beijing on July 6-9 stating, "My purpose is to make sure that we don't engage in a series of unintended escalatory actions that will be harmful to our overall economic relationship with one another." ²³ The US policy toward China can be evaluated as pragmatic at least in its direction, for it is attempting to avoid unintentional conflicts that could lead to major losses in security and the economy while maintaining pressure on China through competition and rivalry.

Case 4: Support for Ukraine and NATO Summit

During the July 11-12 NATO summit in Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania, Turkey agreed to Sweden's accession to NATO, and the member states confirmed Sweden's membership. The inclusion of Sweden and Finland has strengthened NATO's military alliance against Russia on the northern European front. However, the summit joint statement was criticized for failing to provide a clear timeline or plan for Ukraine's NATO accession.

Meanwhile, at the US initiative, the joint statement expressed full support for Ukraine's right to security, reaffirmed the commitments made at the 2008 Bucharest summit regarding Ukraine's NATO membership, agreed to remove the Membership Action Plan (MAP) requirement for the country's case, and pledged speeding up the accession process. ²⁴

Sweden's NATO membership was made possible by Turkey's withdrawal of its reservations, which was prompted by the Biden administration's acceptance of the sale of F-16 fighter jets to Turkey despite concerns about human rights issues in the country. ²⁵ The Biden administration's policy of support for Ukraine is considered to follow its foreign policy line that prioritizes the responsibility for maintaining the international order over the ideas of democracy and human rights.

Three Factors Defining US Foreign Policy and Biden's Foreign Policy

The Biden administration's foreign policy has so far upheld the primary principles of human rights and democracy and adopted a flexible stance in accordance with the reality of the situation, well aware of the relative decline in its military and economic power. This indicates that President Biden's foreign policy incorporates the three factors of US foreign policy set forth above as a hypothesis: (A) fulfilling national interests in security and the economy; (B) taking responsibility for maintaining the international order, and (C) disseminating American ideas of democracy to the rest of the world.

Factor (A) indicates the administration's greatest priority of "maintaining US military, economic, and diplomatic superiority over China." Factor (B) refers to the involvement of Asian allies such as Japan, South Korea, and Australia, in addition to European allies, in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Factor (B) ultimately contributes to achieving Factor (A); but it seems to put more emphasis on the maintenance of international order than on the policy toward China.

Although the United States may not have succeeded in disseminating American ideas of democracy to the rest of the world, it has not abandoned that role given the series of "Summits of Democracy" led by President Biden. The 2022 NSS, which defines US rivalry with China and Russia, emphasizes the value of democracy in the world in a section titled "The Nature of the Competition Between Democracies and Autocracies." ²⁶

The foremost difference between Biden's foreign policy and G. W. Bush's foreign policy may lie in the balance among the factors (A), (B), and (C). As Kissinger points out concerning the war in Iraq, the Bush administration, overestimating relative US superiority of power, aimed to strengthen the US position and stability in the Middle East through the democratization of Iraq but ended up undermining US national strength and credibility. Focusing too much on (C), the United States implemented a wrong policy by overestimating its assets necessary for achieving (A) and (B). The balance of those factors in foreign policy at that time may have been (A) < (B) < (C).

The military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq initiated by the G. W. Bush administration, or the 20-year "Long War," have undermined US national strength and legitimacy and limited US foreign policy. The Trump and Biden administrations attempted to lighten those burdens. The Biden administration made a rather hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan, for which the Trump administration had paved the way, in defiance of domestic and international criticism. The Trump and Biden administrations tried to reduce the burden of involvement in Middle East affairs to counter China, their biggest rival, on the security and economic fronts.

However, Trump's foreign policy prioritized achieving national interests through the "America First" strategy, downplaying cooperation with allies, international order, or democratization. The balance of the three factors here may have been (A) >> (B) = (C).

President Biden's foreign policy, emphasizing the achievement of national interests, allocates, with a lower priority though, a certain amount of assets for the maintenance of international order and democratization. The balance among the three factors may be (A)>(B)>(C).

US foreign policy is likely to be shaped by changes in its relative power in the world and by psychological factors such as domestic political requirements, threat perceptions, and a sense of moral mission. At the same time, the key factors of US foreign policy doctrine, as Kissinger points out, persist like genes, although the balance among them would vary. At this point, there is no significant change in those factors.

Factors (A), (B), and (C) have been taken over by the Trump and Biden administrations. US assets for conducting US foreign policy are on an apparent decline, and this trend is affecting recent US foreign policy. It may be possible to conclude that US foreign policy has changed. Yet, as far as the Biden administration's foreign policy doctrine is concerned, its policy continuity is evident.

The future US foreign policy doctrine will be defined by genetic factors inherited in the history of the United States; changes in relative global power; and acquired factors such as American perceptions of and behavior in response to those changes. Regarding the future direction of US foreign policy, we should focus on how acquired factors will affect genetic factors.

The reason why Japan and European US allies were seriously alarmed by the Trump administration's America First diplomacy was that they tended to believe that the maintenance of the international order, shown by (A) >> (B) = (C) above, had nothing to do with achieving their national interests or would have negative implications. In the first debate attended by Republican presidential candidates held on August 23, 2023, the candidate Vivek Ramaswamy, a wealthy businessman seeking to win support from Trump supporters in place of the absent Trump, received loud applause from the audience when he opposed continued support for Ukraine. Former Vice President Pence and former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley, who follow the traditional Republican diplomatic stance, asserted continued support for Ukraine and criticized Ramaswamy as inexperienced. ²⁷

At this point, Trump is leading the Republican presidential nomination race with an overwhelming approval rating more than twice that of the runner-up; his return to power in 2025 will likely turn US foreign policy into a more inward-looking one, even more so than the first Trump administration, in which Pence and Haley held heavy responsibility. Then, US foreign policy doctrine would undergo a significant qualitative change.

(Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation)

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  0. Front Cover
  1. Changes in the Security Environment Surrounding Japan - Shifting Power Balance and the Three Front Threats Ken Jimbo
  2. How Will "Japan Contingencies" Emerge? Osamu Onoda
  3. The Japan-US Alliance Revisited: Is it Dependable? Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki
  4. A New Phase of Defense Diplomacy and Defense Production and Technology Base Ippeita Nishida, Tsuneo Watanabe
  5. Intelligence Activities in the Post-Ukraine War Era Jun Nagashima
  6. Responding to the Nuclear Threat Masashi Murano
  7. No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities - Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland? - Ryoichi Oriki
  8. Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi
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• October 2021, "The Evolution of the US-ROK Alliance: Tasks in the Biden Era" written by Yasuyo Sakata, Professor, Kanda University of International Studies.
• September 2021, "The Development of Regional Security Architecture: From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific" written by Ken Jimbo, Professor, Keio University.
• September 2021, "The Strategic Development of Japanese Security Cooperation under Superpower Competition and the Development of the FOIP and its Operationalization" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo.
• August 2021, "Security Perceptions of Central Asian Countries--- From the Perspective of China Studies ---" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
• August 2021, "Security in the Indian Ocean Region---Implication of the Galwan Incident for QUAD in the Indo-Pacific" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao, Fellow (Non-Resident), Hudson Institute.
• August 2021, "Easternization and Security in Asia" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• July 2021, "The Ideas of "Autonomy" and "Self-Reliance" in Contemporary India's Foreign Strategy" written by Kazutoshi TAMARI, Associate Professor,Chukyo University.
• July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
• July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
• July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
• June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
• June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
• June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
• June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
• June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
• May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
• May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
• May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
• March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
• March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
• February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
• February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
• September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
• September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
• "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
• September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
• August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
• August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
• August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
• August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
• June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
• June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
• May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
• May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
• "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
• March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
• March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
• March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
• February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
• February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
• December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
• December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
• December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
• July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
• May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
• May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
• March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
• March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
• February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
• February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
• January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
• December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
• September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
• September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
• July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
• "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
• "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
• "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
• March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
• January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
• December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
• November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
• October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
• August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
• August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
• July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
• June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
• May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
• March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
• February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
• December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.

• Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
• Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
• March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
• March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
• December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
• October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
• October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
• March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
• December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
• June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
• June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
  1. Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
     Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
  2. The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
     Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
  3. Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
     Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
  4. India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
     Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
• November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
• November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
• September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
• September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
• July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
• May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
• November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
• October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
• July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
• June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
• March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
• February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
• December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.

• July 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no2" (How Has South Korea Changed under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration?) in English edition was published.
• April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
• December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
• September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
• June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
• March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
• January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
• October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
• Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
• March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
• December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
• September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
• June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
• March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
• December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
• September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
• July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
• May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
• February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
• September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
• August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
• April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
• March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
• February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
• December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
• November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
• September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
• 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
• October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
• August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
• June 2017: Korean peninsla
• March 2017: President Duterte
• February, 2017: Kazakhstan
• November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.