Xi Jinping's China
--- Prospects for Its Climate Change Policy ---
In September 2020, Chinese President Xi Jinping declared in his speech at the United Nations General Assembly: "We aim to have CO2 emissions peak before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060 (Chinese Embassy in Japan, 2020)." This is Xi Jinping's 3060 target.
One year later, again at the UN General Assembly, President Xi reiterated this target and also stated, "China will step up support for other developing countries in developing green and low carbon energy, and will not build new coal-fired power projects abroad (Chinese Embassy in Japan, 2021)."
However, the reality is that this world's largest greenhouse gas emitter is increasing its coal consumption in the face of a domestic energy crisis and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. While accelerating the introduction of renewable energy, China is expanding its coal production capacity.
In China, where the government temporarily subdued the spread of the novel coronavirus infection, cement and steel production increased in pace with economic recovery, and electricity demand began to surge in the second half of 2020. As a result, electricity demand in the first half of 2021 rose by 16.5% on a year-over-year basis (The Central People's Government of China, 2021).
The Chinese government had to address the power supply shortage resulting from this increased electricity demand primarily through coal-fired power generation, which accounts for about 60% of total power generation in China. Beijing is now taking a series of policy measures for hastening coal development, including the opening of new coal mines, raising the ceiling price of coal, and elevating production targets (Myllyvirta & Zhang, 2022).
In this trend of coal production increase, China's greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) in 2021 are estimated to have reached 14.1 billion tons of carbon dioxide equivalent (GtCO2e), about 5% above pre-pandemic levels. (Climate Action Tracker, 2022)
In October 2021, the press reported that Premier Li Keqiang announced at a meeting of the National Energy Commission that China would strengthen coal development for energy security and economic development (China Electricity News, 2021). China's annual coal output in 2021 reached a record highest (Reuters, 2022).
Will China be able to peak out its carbon dioxide emissions by 2030 in line with the 3060 target proposed by President Xi? In the first place, does President Xi still retain the will to achieve it?
President Xi's pledges of carbon peak-out by 2030 and carbon neutral by 2060 will depend primarily on his third administration's energy policy to be implemented during the next few years. As the world's largest source of greenhouse gas emissions, China's energy policy is not merely a matter for the country but one that will affect global warming as a whole.
This paper looks into these questions and provides an outlook on China's climate change policy to be taken in the third term of the Xi Jinping administration (2022-2027). First, the following section reviews President Xi's recent words and actions on decarbonization. Section 3 discusses his decarbonization policy in the historical context over the past two decades. Based on these reviews and discussions, Section 4 discusses the feasibility of carbon dioxide emissions peaking out by 2030.
2. Xi Jinping's Commitment to Decarbonization
In January 2022, at a meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, President Xi said, "While bringing down carbon emissions, efforts should be made to safeguard energy security, industrial and supply chain security, and food security, as well as ensure people's normal daily lives (Xinhua, 2022)."
At present, energy shortages are hampering China's economic recovery; the prospect of employment and economic growth is uncertain; the National Congress of the CPC, where President Xi's continuation in office will be discussed and determined, will take place in the coming autumn. His remarks above suggest that he is obliged to take a cautious position, emphasizing the importance of the domestic economy and political stability.
However, it would be premature to interpret President Xi's above remarks as expressing a regression from the 3060 target. At the meeting in question, President Xi also stated, "China should resolutely control fossil fuel consumption, especially regulating the growth of coal consumption in a strict and reasonable manner." He is by no means attempting to withdraw his decarbonization policy (ibid.).
Some draw attention to the fact that decarbonization was debated at this year's first meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, which they believe indicates President Xi's strong commitment to the issue (The Guardian, 2022). There was skepticism that China would slacken its decarbonization efforts as energy and electricity shortages were affecting its economic recovery and the livelihood of its citizens. However, President Xi's call for steady implementation of decarbonization at the first 2022 Politburo meeting helped dispel doubts about China's retreat from decarbonization.
President Xi also stated at that meeting, "Both goals in the long run and short-term targets should be taken into account, stressing efforts to get the right tempo and strength in carbon cut." Xi's announcement in 2020 of the 3060 target was followed by the moves of some Chinese companies and local governments to rush decarbonization, going so far as to stop the use of coal or to forcibly reduce energy consumption. Xi's January Politburo meeting speech was intended to warn against this kind of hasty decarbonization and to encourage a balance between the current economic situation and medium- and long-term decarbonization goals.
3. Xi Jinping's Decarbonization Policy Based on Green Development Strategy
At the January Politburo meeting, President Xi said, "Cutting emissions is not aimed at curbing productivity or no emissions at all." He stressed that "the economic development and green transition should be mutually reinforcing." China's "14th Five-Year Program" (2021-2025) sets forth the policies of promoting green development and of accelerating green transformation development; it proposes the following ten policy measures to realize these policies (Someno, 2022):
- Optimize energy structure
- Optimize and upgrade industries and the manufacturing industry
- Promote energy-saving low-carbon buildings and low-carbon measures
- Establish a green, low-carbon transportation system
- Develop a circular economy and improve the resource use efficiency
- Promote green, low-carbon technology innovation
- Develop green finance
- Implement various sets of economic policies and reform measures
- Establish and improve carbon markets and carbon pricing mechanisms
- Implement nature-based solutions
An economy aiming at sustainable development that makes the environment and economic growth compatible is called a green economy. The industrial policy for this purpose is a green industrial policy. It may include policy support measures to stimulate and promote the development of environmental technologies, such as public investment, incentives, and regulations. What distinguishes a green industrial policy from other industrial policies is its aim of shifting and restructuring the economy into a green economy. As various green industrial policies constitute the primary climate change action, the latter also changes from an environmental policy in the narrow sense to an economic and industrial policy (Meckling & Bentley, 2020).
Japan formulated "Green Growth Strategy" as a fundamental principle of its green industrial policy in December 2020; much earlier, around 2005, China positioned a shift to a green economy as a means of economic growth and began proactively implementing its green industrial policy. (Sekiyama, 2021)
Around 2005, China launched in succession national policies aimed at promoting energy saving and the spread of renewable energy, including the enactment of the "Renewable Energy Law (2005)." China's "11th Five-Year Plan" (2006-10) targeted to reduce energy consumption per unit of GDP by around 20% over five years. The 2007 "National Climate Change Program" also set a target of "increasing the share of renewable energy in primary energy to 10%."
From that time in China, the realization of a low-carbon economy through the improvement of energy efficiency and the wide use of renewable energy came to be recognized not merely as a climate change action but also as one of the cardinal pillars of broader industrial policy. Reducing dependence on oil imports was also considered to help alleviate energy security concerns. The Chinese government believed that given China's huge and growing domestic market, accelerating investment in decarbonization would lead to the improvement of a broad range of relevant technological capabilities and to the emergence of internationally competitive corporations, thereby contributing to a shift from the traditional economic development model based on labor-intensive industries. (CCICED, 2009)
In addition, the 2007 "Comprehensive Work Plan for Energy Conservation and Emission Reduction" has a far-reaching influence in making it mandatory for the CPC to consider the degree of achievement of set goals related to energy saving and environmental protection, when performing personnel evaluation of local government leaders and executives of leading state-owned enterprises (Qi, 2013). Local government leadership began to actively promote the manufacture and introduction of renewable energy equipment as a means to make economic growth and environmental goals compatible.
Thus, China has rapidly increased its manufacturing capacity for solar panels and wind power generation equipment, boasting the world's largest market share of these products. As of 2021, six of the top ten global wind turbine manufacturers were Chinese corporations, with a combined market share of 44.5% (Bloomberg, 2022). The top four shippers in the world of PV modules in 2021 were Chinese firms; six in total out of the top ten PV module shippers were Chinese (Solar Media, 2022).
China consistently maintains its stance of actively promoting climate change action to advance green development. President Xi followed this policy line when he announced the 3060 target at the UN General Assembly in September 2020, and when he called for the steady implementation of decarbonization by stating at the January 2022 Politburo meeting that "the economic development and green transition should be mutually reinforcing."
China's decarbonization policy is closely related to the green development that the country has promoted for more than 15 years. The present author therefore believes that China's policy of green development through decarbonization will continue into the third term of the Xi administration, which will, however, carefully avoid the premature cessation of coal use and a hasty energy conversion that might hinder economic growth.
4. An Outlook for China's Carbon Peaking by 2030
China's current decarbonization policy will not substantially change in the third term of President Xi Jinping. Meanwhile, as mentioned at the outset of this paper, coal use and greenhouse gas emissions in China are increasing. Will China be able to peak its carbon dioxide emissions by 2030, as President Xi pledged?
China's carbon peaking will depend upon how much the country can reduce by 2030 its use of coal and oil and switch to natural gas, which emits relatively less carbon dioxide, and non-fossil energy sources such as wind, solar, and nuclear powers.
In this regard, President Xi also stated, "It is necessary to accelerate the development of new energy sources such as wind, solar, biomass and hydrogen energy that have scale and benefits, coordinate hydropower development and ecological protection, and actively develop nuclear power in a safe and orderly manner (Xinhua, 2022)."
Indeed, China is now accelerating its policies to promote the use of non-fossil energy. Its "14th Five-Year Program" targets to increase the share of non-fossil energy (including renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power, as well as nuclear power) in primary energy consumption to about 20% by 2025. Furthermore, the "14th Five-Year Plan for Renewable Energy Development," released on June 1, 2022, sets the following targets:
(1) To increase renewable energy consumption to approximately 18% of the primary energy consumption.
(2) To increase the annual renewable energy power generation to around 3.3 trillion kWh; to make the increase in renewable energy power generation account for more than 50% of the increase in electricity consumption in the whole society.
What does the actual status of energy conversion in China look like? The targeted "annual renewable energy power generation of 3.3 trillion kWh by the end of 2025" could not be achieved without a 50% increase from the end of 2020. Questions are raised --- unofficially, needless to say --- on whether so much renewable energy could be produced or where it could be (Wang Ting, 2022).
Nonetheless, the reality is that China is steadily introducing renewable energy on a large scale. Annual renewable energy power generation increased by about 13% in the single year of 2021 (ibid). If the introduction of renewable energy continues at this pace, annual renewable energy power generation of 3.3 trillion kWh will be readily reachable by the end of 2024; it will amount to about 4 trillion kWh by the end of 2025 --- far exceeding the initial target.
China's Greenhouse Gas Emissions --- Past and Projected
Note: Past (solid line) and projected (dashed line) greenhouse gas emissions (million ton) in China.
Source: Prepared based on Lui, 2022
The Climate Action Tracker, which monitors greenhouse gas emission reductions in different countries, released a forecast in May 2022 that China's emissions are likely to peak around 2025 and gradually decline toward 2030 if the Chinese government steadily implements its current energy conversion policy. The share of non-fossil energy in primary energy consumption is also projected to far exceed 25% by 2030. The report concludes that China's NDC (nationally determined contribution) to reduce by 2030 carbon intensity (emissions per unit of GDP) by no less than 65% of the 2005 level will be readily achievable. (Climate Action Tracker, 2022)
As discussed above, China is increasing its coal consumption and, as a result, greenhouse gas emissions in the short term, to address energy shortages since 2021. Yet, President Xi's commitment to achieving the 3060 target remains unchanged. If the Chinese government steadily implements the current energy conversion policy under Xi's third term, carbon dioxide emissions in China will peak around 2025, much earlier than 2030. The country will likely fulfill its NDC related to climate change action.
However, if China chooses to meet its growing energy demand with coal and oil, its carbon peaking will be delayed, and peak emissions will also increase. As noted at the outset, a delay in decarbonizing the world's largest greenhouse gas emitter would be a fatal setback not just for China alone but for the entire planet.
Meanwhile, if China fulfills, as expected, its decarbonization targets ahead of schedule and challenges still tougher targets, it will take the lead in international negotiations on climate change action. Climate change action is often cited as one of the few possible areas of US-China cooperation. Given the ongoing US-China confrontation, however, it might become an arena for leadership struggles.
Japan is also responding to electricity shortages by increasing thermal power generation. Will Japan be able to use decarbonization as an opportunity for its economic development, promote energy conversion, and take the lead in climate change action in the world?
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- June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
- June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
- May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
- May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
- "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
- March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
- March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
- March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
- February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
- February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
- December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
- December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
- December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
- November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
- May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
- May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
- May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
- March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
- March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
- February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
- February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
- January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
- December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
- September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
- July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
- "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
- "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
- July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
- "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
- "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
- March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
- January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
- December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
- November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
- October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
- August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
- August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
- July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
- June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
- May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
- March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
- February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
- December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.
- Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
- Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
- March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
- March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
- December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
- October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
- October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
- March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
- December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
- June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
- Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
- November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
- November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
- September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
- September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
- July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
- May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
- January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
- December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
- November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
- October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
- July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
- June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
- March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
- February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
- December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.
- September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
- June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
- March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
- January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
- October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
- Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
- March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
- December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
- September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
- June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
- March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
- December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
- September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
- July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
- May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
- February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
- September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
- August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
- April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
- March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
- February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
- December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
- November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
- September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
- 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
- October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
- August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
- June 2017: Korean peninsla
- March 2017: President Duterte
- February, 2017: Kazakhstan
- November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.