SSDP

Japan-India Security Cooperation in India's Grand Strategy

Kazutoshi Tamari

Introduction

Japan and India, which have strengthened their intergovernmental cooperation since the beginning of the 21st century, are approaching a turning point in their security cooperation―the "Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation between Japan and India" that they announced in 2008 will be revised in 2025.¹

This paper will first look at the overall picture of India's external strategy, then review the progress of Japan-India security cooperation to date and relevant issues, and consider the position of the Japan-India relationship in India's external relations.

Chronological Table of the Progress of Japan-India Security Cooperation

• 1998: Indian nuclear tests. Economic sanctions by Japan, the US and Canada
• 2000: Japan-India Security Dialogue
• 2005: Global Partnership
• 2006: Strategic and Global Partnership
• 2008: Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation
• 2009: Action Plan Based on the Joint Declaration
• 2014: Special Strategic and Global Partnership, MOU on Defense Cooperation and Exchanges
• 2015: Agreement on the Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology, Agreement on the Protection of Classified Military Information
• 2016: Japan-India Nuclear Cooperation Agreement, Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP)" strategy
• 2020: Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) signed
• 2024: MOI for the joint development and production of the Unified Complex Radio Antenna (UNICORN), a naval ship communication antenna system
• 2025: Revision is planned of the 2008 Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation

Source: Prepared by the author.

1. India's Grand Strategy as Depicted in India's World

As the incumbent Chief of Defence Staff of India, Anil Chauhan, argued,² even though the Indian government has not documented an equivalent of the "national security strategy" of the United States or Japan, India nonetheless possesses a coherent national strategy. Then, what are the contents of India's national security strategy, and how can we identify them? Here, I want to review the discussions on "India's Grand Strategy" carried in the inaugural issue of a foreign policy magazine India's World, which was inaugurated in 2024 to present India's perspective to the world.

C. Raja Mohan, chair of the editorial advisory board of the new magazine and a visiting professor at the National University of Singapore, points out four elements of India's Grand Strategy to aim for a "Viksit Bharat" in 2047, the 100th anniversary of the country's independence. First, as an inevitable consequence of its domestic economic system and geopolitical orientation, India's cooperation with the Soviet Union during the Cold War was influenced by its domestic socialist economic policies. However, now that India has shifted to economic liberalism, its relations with the West and Asia are more important.³ Second, the "strategic autonomy" that India currently articulates instead of non-alignment during the Cold War era was initially a strategy to avoid dependency on the United States. It now rather focuses on reducing dependency on China and Russia by strengthening ties with the West.⁴ Third, India "embarked on the project of constructing a multipolar world in the 1990s, in partnership with Russia and China" to counter the Western-led world order. However, as the threat of China became critical for India, it has chosen to cooperate with the United States to avoid Chinese domination of Asia, that is, to aim for a "multipolar Asia" rather than a "multipolar world."⁵ Finally, since the 2023 G20 summit, India has strengthened its commitment to the Global South: India is not attempting to provoke a backlash in the developing world against the Western-led international order but is rather aiming to maintain cooperation with the developed world and to enhance its presence bridging the two camps.⁶

Happymon Jacob, editor of India's World and an associate professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, argues that the characteristics of India's foreign policy are a "multi-alignment" approach in contrast to the former non-alignment, the promotion of economic partnerships such as FTA, and the pursuit of practical benefits over ideology.⁷ He then enumerates five paradoxes inherent to India's Grand Strategy. First, despite its global rise, India's influence in South Asia is declining dramatically.⁸ Second, different situations and partnerships are emerging on India's continental and maritime fronts. Regarding the Indo-Pacific region, India is doing well in forging collaboration and cooperative frameworks with principal countries. However, India finds no other major partner than Russia on the continental Asia, where it could encounter direct threats. Its maritime partners do not endorse India's alignment with Russia.⁹ Third, economic development is essential for India to counter China as a strategic challenge, but paradoxically, India's economy depends on China.¹⁰ Fourth, India is obliged to maneuver adroitly between the superpowers of China, the United States, and Russia.¹¹ Finally, India is still a developing country prioritizing domestic development; it cannot allocate sufficient resources on the diplomatic front to behave as a great power.¹²

Rajesh Rajagopalan, a professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, suggests that China, India's biggest adversary, is achieving economic development more rapidly than India in the long term, that the gap between the two in material capabilities widens, and that China also surpasses India in political influence in Asia. He argues that India has pursued alignment with the United States and its allies to counter China.¹³

Raja Mohan and Rajagopalan, in particular, are pro-American pundits, speaking for the Indian strategic community. They do not represent the strategic orientation of India as a whole, nor do they speak for the government. Yet, concepts such as strategic autonomy, multilateral cooperation, and multipolarity are employed officially by the Indian government; aside from their conclusion encouraging further collaboration with the United States, their discourse explains the Indian government's current policy.

The above discussions are helpful in summarizing India's current external strategy in its entirety. India consistently aims to become a great global power. However, it is not yet at a stage where it can independently envision a new world order. Its immediate strategic goal is to counter the imminent threat from China. Rather than committing to specific allies, it is attempting to ensure strategic autonomy through strengthening multilateral cooperation with all of the principal countries except China. In the maritime domain, India has succeeded in expanding cooperation within the Indo-Pacific region and along the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). On land, by contrast, India faces challenges in preparing for threats from China and Pakistan. Therefore, it is attempting to strengthen its national defense system by advancing cooperation with the West. This is a brief outline of India's current strategy.

2. Six Issues in Japan-India Security Cooperation

There is scarce mention of Japan in the above three essays on India's Grand Strategy. Japan is mentioned only as one of the US allies; none of the authors made a single substantive reference to India's relationship with Japan. The present author, currently living in New Delhi as of May 2025 for research purposes, conceives a similar impression that Japan keeps a low profile in the Indian strategic community's broader discussions about India's military security. On the other hand, looking at the question from a different angle, Japan-India cooperation has been steadily expanding; Japan is establishing itself as a trustworthy partner in India's external relations. Bilateral security cooperation covers a variety of areas. I will discuss it under six entries.

(1) China

Quite understandably, the rapid progress of Japan-India security cooperation has been based on, if not officially expressed, the common recognition that China is the overriding and most imminent threat to both countries.¹⁴

However, Japan's approach to India since the beginning of the 21st century appears to have initially followed the example of the United States rather than having been based on an independent strategic judgment. Following President Bill Clinton's visit to India in March 2000, which marked a turning point in the improvement of US-India relations, Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori visited India in August of the same year.¹⁵

China's shadow was behind the development of strategic relations between Japan and India. A series of large-scale anti-Japanese demonstrations in China in 2005 led to a heightened threat perception of China among the Japanese people. India's long-standing wariness of China, dating back to the 1962 border conflict, was rekindled by the 2006 border dispute over the easternmost state of Arunachal Pradesh, in which India protested against China's hardline stance.¹⁶ With this worsened India-China relations as background, Japan and India forged a "Strategic and Global Partnership" in 2006.

However, the Japan-India relationship since then has not focused solely on hedging against China. Since 2014, before Japan proposed its "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy in 2016, both countries have been enhancing cooperation through their activities in the Indo-Pacific region. Yet, it seems to be out of consideration not to provoke China too much that India advocated for an "inclusive" Indo-Pacific while Japan altered its Indo-Pacific strategy to a "vision."¹⁷

Since then, the vicissitudes of Japan-China relations and those of India-China relations have been largely synchronized. In 2020, when the world was hit by the Corona pandemic, Japan-China relations quickly deteriorated, mirroring the situation with US-China relations. In the same year, Indian troops clashed with Chinese counterparts in the Galwan Valley in the northern Ladakh region, and India-China relations dipped to a new low after the 1962 border conflict. Afterward, as Japan and China improved their relations from the end of the Kishida administration to the Ishiba administration, India and China reached an agreement in October 2024 to end the border standoff between their militaries that had continued since 2020. They are working at a rapid pace to restore their relations.¹⁸

In this way, the Japan-India relationship stands on a shared recognition that China poses the greatest threat to both countries and on the need to avoid full-scale confrontation with China due to their inability to compete with it on their own. In the field of China studies, India appreciates Japan's many years of outstanding research efforts, and their academic circles are cooperating in China studies.

(2) Maritime Security

While the China issue forms the background to Japan-India security cooperation, the specifics of cooperation are chiefly related to maritime security.

Japan-India maritime security cooperation predates its progress after the turn of the twenty-first century. Its origins can go back to 1999, a time when Japan was imposing substantial economic sanctions on India due to its nuclear tests. In that year, a Japanese cargo ship was attacked by pirates in the Strait of Malacca, prompting the Indian Navy to conduct search operations in the Indian Ocean. This incident led to the first Japan-India Security Dialogue in July 2000.¹⁹ In short, bilateral maritime security cooperation had begun even before the two countries embarked on "strategic" cooperation with China in mind.

Since then, Japan and India have promoted multifaceted maritime security cooperation, not only to ensure the security of sea lanes but also to respond to disasters and terrorism and to counter China's maritime expansion. In 2007, Japan first participated as an observer in the joint maritime exercise Malabar; it has officially been participating in the drill since 2015. Bilateral naval joint exercises have also been conducted since 2012. The signing of the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) in 2020 has further strengthened cooperation between the navies of the two countries. In 2018, the two militaries enlarged joint training to other branches than the Navy.

Japan-India maritime security cooperation developed into multilateral cooperation through various Indo-Pacific frameworks. Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy, first proposed in 2016, stemmed from Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's "Confluence of the Two Seas" speech delivered at the Indian parliament in 2007. In 2014, Prime Minister Abe proposed cooperation associated with the Indo-Pacific to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, paving the way for the current landscape of multilateral initiatives in the region.²⁰

The Japan-US-Australia-India Strategic Dialogue (QUAD), which currently constitutes the nucleus of the Indo-Pacific cooperation, is a cooperation that began in 2007 in response to the off-Sumatra earthquake. It was temporarily suspended due to discord between India and Australia but went back on track in 2019. The QUAD is now a vital plurilateral framework for Japan and India. At the 2022 QUAD summit, the parties concerned agreed on the "Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA)."

Due to space limitations, I will refrain from offering further details. Yet, maritime security cooperation, built up through bilateral, Indo-Pacific, and QUAD frameworks, constitutes a substantial part of Japan-India security cooperation.²¹

(3) India's Defense Equipment

While Japan-India maritime security cooperation is an exemplary model of regional cooperation, bilateral cooperation on defense equipment has yet to be realized.

In 2014 or thereabout, when Japan abolished the "Three Principles on Arms Exports and Their Related Policy Guidelines" and formulated instead the "Three Principles on Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology," negotiations were underway regarding the sale of the amphibious aircraft, US-2, to India. In 2015, the Japanese and Indian governments signed an agreement on the transfer of defense equipment and technology, as well as one on the protection of classified military information. These agreements aimed to facilitate the transfer of US-2. However, the US-2 sales vanished due to issues such as price.

Nonetheless, the interests regarding defense equipment cooperation coincided between India, seeking to diversify supply sources and domestically produce defense equipment, and Japan, aiming to promote the export of defense equipment under its new national security strategy. Both countries continued their efforts to explore the possibility of implementing defense equipment transfer.²² India, one of the world's largest arms importers, is eager to nurture its domestic defense industry and to promote arms exports under the economic policies of "Make in India" and "Self-reliant India (Atmanirbhar Bharat)." India is also endeavoring to invite Japanese and other foreign companies to operate in the country by lowering the upper limit of foreign direct investment (FDI) for defense sector companies.²³

In 2018, the two countries agreed to initiate a collaborative research project aimed at developing an unmanned ground vehicle (UGV). In November 2024, they reached an agreement on the transfer of the UNICORN (Unified Complex Radio Antenna), a state-of-the-art naval ship communication antenna system.²⁴ A smooth transfer of the UNICORN would mean that Japan-India security cooperation has overcome a long-standing challenge.

(4) Aid for Infrastructure Development in India

Although outside the bilateral security cooperation framework, Japan's support for infrastructure development in India is also related to security.

Since Japan initiated Official Development Assistance (ODA), it has continued to assist India to date. Since 2004, India has been the overriding recipient country of Japan's ODA.²⁵ Japan cooperated on India's national infrastructure projects, such as the Delhi Metro, which opened in 2002 and transformed the lives of the citizens, and the Mumbai–Ahmedabad High-Speed Rail Corridor (under construction).

It is noteworthy in this context that Japan is involved in development projects in sensitive areas related to India's national security. In northeastern India, where the Indian government was reluctant to accept foreign involvement due to issues such as separatist movements and ethnic conflicts, Japan has been providing full-scale support for infrastructure development since the two countries launched the Act East Forum in 2017. Although Japan's assistance for northeastern India focuses on infrastructure support related to civic life, such as roads and water supply, it proceeds with the strategic aim of building connectivity in the Indo-Pacific region with an eye on China.²⁶ For India, the development of the northeastern region is crucial to maintaining the country's integrity; improved road infrastructure is essential for a rapid deployment of troops on the eastern border with China.

Japan is also involved in infrastructure development in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, India's crucial outpost in the Indian Ocean. Power infrastructure development is underway as a Japanese ODA project;²⁷ NEC laid optical undersea cables connecting the islands to the Indian mainland.²⁸

The Indian government's decision to allow Japan to provide support for security-sensitive regions, which had previously been off-limits to foreign countries, is seen as a sign of India's particular trust in and expectations for Japan.

(5) Space and Cyberspace

Cyberspace and space are relatively new intensive areas of Japan-India security cooperation. Their significance in the security context is increasing, particularly as China, a common threat to both countries, is improving its capabilities in these domains.

The two countries launched a cyber ​​dialogue in 2012. For Japan, India was the second country to hold a bilateral cyber dialogue after the United Kingdom. As a result of these efforts, the two countries agreed on the "Japan-India Digital Partnership" in 2018 and on an MOU on cybersecurity cooperation in 2022, and also signed an agreement to launch a Quad Cybersecurity Partnership in the same year.

In the space field, the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) and the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) signed an MOU on promoting space cooperation in 2016 and are working together on, among other initiatives, lunar exploration. Furthermore, based on the 2018 summit agreement, the Japan-India space dialogue has been held since the following year.

(6) Economic Security

Another new issue emerging between Japan and India is economic security. At the "2+2" meeting in August 2024, the two countries agreed on economic security cooperation, and the inaugural Japan-India dialogue on economic security took place in November of the same year. Although the Japanese government only provided for the initiative through the Economic Security Promotion Act in 2022, and the concept has only recently come into currency, Japan and India have been cooperating on issues now referred to as economic security for some time.

The foremost economic security issue between Japan and India is cooperation on scarce resources such as rare earth. Since 2010, when China's monopoly of rare earth resources was considered a grave problem, the two countries have been exploring cooperation, and in 2012, they signed an MOU on joint production.

Secondly, since the late 2010s, in addition to specific resources, issues of derisking and supply chain vulnerabilities have been recognized. The two countries, together with Australia, launched the Supply Chain Resilience Initiative in 2021.

The third issue is bilateral cooperation on strategic industries, such as the semiconductor industry, currently attracting the most attention. As the global shortage of semiconductors becomes a challenge, Japan is cooperating with India, whose goal is to produce semiconductors domestically to reduce its reliance on supplies from China. The two countries signed a memorandum of cooperation (MOC) on the Japan-India Semiconductor Supply Chain Partnership in 2023.

Conclusion

In early May 2025, India entered again into a confrontation with Pakistan, which, however, did not affect India's consistent recognition that China is the overriding threat to the country. With this threat perception as background, India has forged a strategic relationship with Japan. Yet, India does not expect direct contributions from Japan in dealing with land-based threats from China; Japan cannot supply India with vital defense equipment in the way Russia, the United States, Israel, and France do. Therefore, Japan keeps a low profile in discussions about India's foreign strategy.

Japan-India security cooperation has mainly progressed concerning sea areas, where India faces lesser or indirect threats than on land. A long history of Japanese development assistance helped foster a special trust in Japan among Indian people. Such trust is evident from India's acceptance of Japanese aid for infrastructure development in the northeastern region and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands—areas where India had previously refused foreign involvement, as well as for developing connectivity with other South Asian countries.

With the long-awaited transfer of defense equipment becoming a reality, Japan and India are expanding their bilateral cooperation to new areas, including cyberspace, space, and economic security. The soon-to-come revision of the 2008 Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation will usher in a new phase of Japan-India security cooperation. For India, which started reducing its reliance on Chinese supplies in 2020, cooperation with Japan as a reliable and comprehensive partner is becoming increasingly important.

This article primarily has discussed Japan-India security cooperation from the perspectives of the two countries. However, in the context of contemporary world politics, this cooperation has the potential to influence trends in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. For this reason, bilateral security cooperation should adopt a broader perspective. Strengthening collaboration among Japan, India, the QUAD, and other Indo-Pacific nations could deter China's aggressive actions—which suggests that the Japan-India relationship could become a public good instrumental to global peace, transcending their respective national interests.

(Professor, Chukyo University)

(Translation by Tsutomu Inuzuka)

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  0. Front Cover
  1. Changes in the Security Environment Surrounding Japan - Shifting Power Balance and the Three Front Threats Ken Jimbo
  2. How Will "Japan Contingencies" Emerge? Osamu Onoda
  3. The Japan-US Alliance Revisited: Is it Dependable? Chikako Kawakatsu Ueki
  4. A New Phase of Defense Diplomacy and Defense Production and Technology Base Ippeita Nishida, Tsuneo Watanabe
  5. Intelligence Activities in the Post-Ukraine War Era Jun Nagashima
  6. Responding to the Nuclear Threat Masashi Murano
  7. No Time to Lose for Improving Japan's Defense Capabilities - Can the JSDF Defend the Homeland? - Ryoichi Oriki
  8. Toward the Formulation of a New "National Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi
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• October 2022, "Military Strategy of Xi Jinping's China" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasagawa Peace Foundation
• September 2022, " Social Governance by the Communist Party of China: The Present State and the Future Prospects " written by Kazuko Kojima, Professor, Keio University
• September 2022, "The Relationship between Domestic Politics and Diplomacy under the Xi Jinping Administration- Why Were the Large-Scale Military Exercises Decided?" written by Chisako T. Masuo, Professor, Kyushu University
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• August 2022, " Current Assessment of the Xi Jinping's Rule and Prospects for the Third Term of the Xi Administration " written by Takashi Suzuki, Associate Professor, Aichi Prefectural University
• August 2022, " Economic Challenges Awaiting the Xi Jinping Administration As it Enters its Third Term" written by Toshiya Tsugami, Director, Tsugami Toshiya's Works
• July 2022, "The Russian Invasion of Ukraine and the Future International Legal Order" written by Masahiro Kurosaki, Associate Professor, National Defense Academy
• July 2022, "The Ukraine War and Security in East Asia" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2022, "How Will the Ukraine War Change the New US-China Cold War?" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• July 2022, "Impact of the Ukraine War on the Global Economy" written by Tatsuhiko Yoshizaki, Chief Economist, Sojitz Research Institute, Ltd.
• June 2022, "Why War Occurs in Europe?--The Structural Transformation of the European Security Order in the Post-Cold War Era --" written by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
• June 2022,"The Russia-Ukrainian War and the Behind-the-Scenes Stance of the United States" "On Economic Security" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• June 2022, "The Russia-Ukraine War and NATO", written by Michito Tsuruoka, Associate Professor, Keio University
• June 2022, "The Ukrainian War Viewed from Theories of International Politics" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defens Academy
• March 2022, "Economic Security Challenges and Cyber Security" written by Jun Osawa, Senior Research Fellow, Nakasone Peace Institute
• March 2022, "On Economic Security" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the Ntional Defense Academy
• March 2022, ""Economic Security" and the Review of the 2013 NSS and the Related Strategy Documents" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, the University of Tokyo
• March 2022, "The US-China Rivalry and Economic Security" written by Yuzo Murayama, Professor, Doshisya University
• March 2022, "Japan's National Security Policies and Science and Technology" written by Nobukatsu Kanehara, Professor, Doshisya University
• March 2022, "Economic Security in the Free Trade Regime" written by Kazuto Suzuki, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January 2022, "The 2022 South Korean Presidential Election and the Next Administration's Foreign and Security Policy" written by Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• January 2022, "North Korea's Nuclear and Missile Development and Japan's Defense" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, GRIPS
• January 2022, "What will Become of Japan-South Korea Relations? The 1965 Japan-South Korea Treaty System in Jeopardy" written by Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
• December 2021, "Economic and Social Conditions in North Korea and its Relations with South Korea" written by Mitsuhiro Mimura, Chief Research Fellow, The Economic Research Institute for Northeast Asia.
• December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
• December 2021, "China's Korean Peninsula Policy and North Korea" written by Shunji Hiraiwa, Professor, Nanzan University.
• December 2021, "What to Do with the Relations with North Korea?" written by Hitoshi Tanaka, Chairman for Institute for International Strategy at the Japan Research Institute.
• October 2021, "Strategic Implications of North Korea's Enhanced Nuclear and Missile Capabilities" written by Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
• October 2021, "The Biden Administration's North Korea Policy: Its Low Priority and Looming Crises" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• October 2021, "The Evolution of the US-ROK Alliance: Tasks in the Biden Era" written by Yasuyo Sakata, Professor, Kanda University of International Studies.
• September 2021, "The Development of Regional Security Architecture: From Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific" written by Ken Jimbo, Professor, Keio University.
• September 2021, "The Strategic Development of Japanese Security Cooperation under Superpower Competition and the Development of the FOIP and its Operationalization" written by Nobushige Takamizawa, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo.
• August 2021, "Security Perceptions of Central Asian Countries--- From the Perspective of China Studies ---" written by Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo.
• August 2021, "Security in the Indian Ocean Region---Implication of the Galwan Incident for QUAD in the Indo-Pacific" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao, Fellow (Non-Resident), Hudson Institute.
• August 2021, "Easternization and Security in Asia" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• July 2021, "The Ideas of "Autonomy" and "Self-Reliance" in Contemporary India's Foreign Strategy" written by Kazutoshi TAMARI, Associate Professor,Chukyo University.
• July 2021, "Thailand's Security Policies and Threat Perceptions" written by Saya Kiba, Associate Professor, Komatsu University, Faculty of Intercultural Communication.
• July 2021, "Myanmar's Security Perceptions and the February 1 Coup d'Etat" written by Yoshihiro Nakanishi, Associate Professor, Kyoto University.
• July 2021, "Australia's Security Perceptions and the "Asia Threat"" written byTomohiko Satake, Senior Fellow, Defense Policy Division, Policy Studies Department, NIDS .
• June 2021, "The Indo-Pacific Regional Architecture: Its Future--- Multipolar Order Beyond US-China Relations ---" by Tsutomu Kikuchi, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
• June 2021, "The Quad Plus in the Security of Asia: Its Significance and Outlook" by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• June 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, The Graduate School of Social and Cultural Studies, Kyushu University
• June 2021, "Normalized Tensions in the Cross-Strait Relations--- Structural Changes in Taiwanese Society and the Xi Jinping Administration's Strategic Shift ---" by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor, The University of Tokyo
• June 2021, "China's Maritime Strategy and Responses of the United States and Japan" by Yoji Koda, Former Commander in Chief, Self Defense Fleet
• June 2021, "The South China Issues from the Perspective of the International Law Order",by Shigeki Sakamoto, Emeritus Professor, Kobe University
• May 2021, "Indonesian Views and Perceptions on National Security" by Nobuhiro Aizawa, Associate Professor, Kyushu University
• May, 2021, "The Philippine Foreign and Security Policy Perspective" written by Yusuke Takagi Associate Professor,National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
• May, 2021, "Vietnam's Security: Challenges and Responses" written by Tomotaka Shoji Head, Asia and Africa Division, Regional Studies Department, National Institute for Defense Studies
• March, 2021, "Can the Biden Administration Restore America as a Global Leader?" written by Matake Kamiya, Professor, the National Defense Academy of Japan.
• March, 2021, "The Biden Administration and Japan's Security Strategy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies.
• February,2021, "US Foreign and Security Policy Direction Viewed from the Biden Administration's Lineup" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• February,2021, "Trade Policies of the Biden Administration" written by Takaaki Asano, Senior Analyst, Sumitomo Corporation Global Research Co. Ltd.
• February,2021, "The Biden Administration's Policy toward Russia" written by Taisuke Abiru, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January,2021, "Will US Policy Toward China Change?" lectured by Ryo Sahashi, Associate Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January,2021, "How will China View the Biden Administration?" written by Bonji Ohara, Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January,2021, "An Assessment of the 2020 US Presidential Election－American Democracy Now－" lectured by Fumiaki Kubo, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• January,2021, "Two Trumpian Mysteries－Why did Trump win over 70 million votes? Why is his outrageous behavior unchecked?－" lectured by Kazuhiro Maeshima, Professor, Sophia University
• September, 2020, "The Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic and Internationa Relationsl" by Matake Kamiya, Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
• September, 2020, "The Policy Agenda for the Xi Jinping Administration- COVID-19 Countermeasures and China's International Relations -" by Shin Kawashima, Professor, The University of Tokyo
• "Control in the United States and International Relations" by Koji Murata, Professor, Doshisha University
• September, 2020, "The EU's Response to COVID-19 and International Relations" by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor, Keio University
• August, 2020, "The Corona Crisis Seen from a Macroeconomic Perspective" written by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus, The University of Tokyo
• August, 2020, "The Coronavirus Pandemic and Japan's Infectious Disease Control" written by Takashi Mihara, Senior Research Fellow, NLI Research Institute
• August, 2020, "Infectious Disease Crisis Control in Japan- Recommendations on an Exit Strategy -" written by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor, Hosei University
• August, 2020, "Security against Infectious Disease Threats --- Policy Responses Abroad" written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate Professor, Kyoto University
• June 2020,"Transformation of the International Order in the Middle East--- Varying Degrees of "Stateness" and Three Directions of the New Order" written by Satoshi Ikeuchi, Professor, Research Center for Advanced Science and Technology, The University of Tokyo
• June 2020,"Destabilization in the Middle East and its Impacts on Japan's Energy Security" written by Amane Kobayashi, Research Fellow, The Institute of Energy Economics
• May 2020: Urgent Recommendations "Toward a V-shaped Recovery after the Novel Coronavirus Pandemic "Coronavirus Testing for All" --- the First Step of the Next Phase"
• May 2020: "US Diplomacy toward Iran: Economic Sanctions as a Diplomatic Tool" Hiroki Sugita Columnist, Kyodo News
• "Russian Factors in the Middle East" Taisuke Abiru Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• "The SDF Dispatches to the Middle East --- History and Significance" Ippeita Nishida Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• March 2020, "Space and Security" Kazuto Suzuki Professor, Hokkaido University
• March 2020, "The US Security Space Policy --- With a Focus on the Establishment of Two Space Forces" Yasuhito Fukushima Chief Researcher, The National Institute for Defense Studies
• March 2020, "China's Recent Activities in Space and Cyberspace" Bonji Ohara Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• March 2020, "Environmental Security and Japan" Takashi Sekiyama Associate Professor, Kyoto University
• March 2020, "Changes in Global Environment and Security --- US Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
• February 2020, "Cyberspace Security" Motohiro Tsuchiya Professor, Keio University
• February 2020, "Japan's Space and Cyberspace Policy" Yukinari Hirose Former President of the National Institute for Defense Studies
• December 2019, "The US-China Confrontation --- Where Will Hegemony Reside Next?" Akio Takahara Professor, the University of Tokyo
• December 2019, "Challenges Facing the Chinese Economy" Osamu Tanaka Chief Senior Researcher, Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO
• December 2019, "US Strategic Perception on China: Implications for US Allied Partners" Tsuneo Watanabe Senior Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• November 2019, "The Xi Jinping Administration's View of the International Order– China's emphasis on United Nations diplomacy and liberal economic policies−" Shin Kawashima, Professor, the University of Tokyo
• November 2019, "The Future of China's Security Strategy" Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• November 2019, "China --- Its Confidence and Anxiety" Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• August 2019: Several Perspectives on the Korean Peninsula Issue--- The Deteriorating Japan-South Korea Relationship and the Uncertain Denuclearization of North Korea --- By Masahiro Akiyama Chairman, the SSDP
• July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea--- What is the Stance of North Korea?---", Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• July 2019, "An Outlook on the Denuclearization of North Korea --- How will the US move?", Narushige Michishita, Vice President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2019, "Discussion on Denuclearization of North Korea", SSDP Discussion Meeting on May 8, 2019
• May 2019: "Current Status and Prospects of South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History: How to address the Judicial Problems", Masao Okonogi, Professor Emeritus, Keio University
• May 2019: "South Korea and Japan's Frictions over History" (Comments), Junya Nishino, Professor, Keio University
• May 2019: Japan and South Korea Relationships (Question & Answer)
• March 2019: "The Present State and Prospects of the Indian Economy and Economic Policies" written by Koji Kobayashi, Senior Economist Mizuho Research Institute Ltd.
• March 2019: "The "Modi diplomacy" in the History of Indian diplomacy--- Departure from or maintenance of the traditional diplomacy? ---" written by Toru Ito, The National Defense Academy of Japan
• February 2019: Dynamics of Indian Politics and the 2019 General Elections, written by Chiharu Takenaka, Professor of Rikkyo University
• February 2019: "Cooperative Strategy" to Realize "Competitive Strategy"--- The composite structure of Japan's "Free and Open Indo-Pacific" strategy (vision) ---, written by Matake Kamiya, Professor at The National Defense Academy of Japan
• January 2019:, A paper, "How will the US midterm elections results affect the Trump administration's foreign policy for 2019?" written by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January 2019:, A paper, "The Present and Future of the International Trade Order" , written by Akihiko Tamura, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• December 2018: The US-China Competition and Japan, written by Ryo Sahashi, Professor at Kanagawa University
• December 2018: An Outlook for the US-China Trade War―What makes the two economically interdependent superpowers confront each other?―, written by Takashi Sekiyama, Associate professor at Toyo University
• September 2018: Proposal, "The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Restoration of Peace in the Korean Peninsula― Correct Perceptions and Eight Proposals on Japan's North Korea Diplomacy－" edited by the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
• September 2018: "The Taiwan Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration in its Second Term: An Outlook on Cross-Strait Relations in the New Era" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Professor of the Tokyo University
• July 2018: "The EU States and Russia on North Korea Issues- Expansion of Influence through Diplomacy: Attempts and Limitations -" lectured by Yuichi Hosoya, Professor of Keio University
• "An Assessment of the US-North Korea Summit and an Outlook for the Future of the Korean Peninsula" lectured by Junya Nishino, Professor of Keio University
• "Korean Peninsula Issue and Japan's Future Security Policy" written by Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow of National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
• July 2018: "US North Korea policy affected by personnel changes in the Trump administration" lectured by Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation.
• "China-North Korea relationship under Xi Jinping" lectured by Shin Kawashima, Professor of the Tokyo University.
• "North Korean Denuclearization and Russia" lectured by Nobuo Shimotomai, Professor of the Hosei University.
• March 2018: "The Network Hegemony Theory for a Security Architecture in The Asia Pacific Region" lectured by Masahiro Akiyama, Chairman, the Society of Security and Diplomatic Policy Studies
• January 2018: "A Destabilized Middle East" lectured by Koichiro Tanaka, Professor, Keio University
• December 2017: "Problems in Sino-Japanese Relations, 1992-2042" lectured by Ezra F. Vogel, Professor of the Social Sciences Emeritus at Harvard University
• November 2017: "The Future of the Asia-Pacific Region" written by Yoriko Kawaguchi, Fellow, the Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Former Minister Foreign Affairs
• October 2017: "A New Trend in India's Foreign Policy and Japan" Written by HIROSE,Takako, Professor, Senshu University
• August 2017: "The Shocks that shook the Transatlantic World and their Implication for Japan's Foreign Policy" written by HOSOYA, Yuichi, Professor, Keio University
• August 2017: "Does Economic Interdependence not Encourage Collaboration? ―Thinking Japan-China Relations from an Economic Perspective―" written by Takashi SEKIYAMA, Ph.D., Toyo University
• July 2017: Proposal article "The Trump Administration's Impact on the Cross-Strait Relations" written by Yasuhiro Matsuda, Ph.D.
• June 2017: Proposal article "The outlook for the relationship between two great powers and implications for Japanese diplomacy" written by Professor Shin Kawashima
• May 2017: (Emergency Proposal) Facing the Inconvenient Truth: Re-examining Policy for Peace and Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula (Chief author, Masao Okonogi)
• March 2017: "Economic Influences of the Trump Administration" written by Professor Motoshige Ito
• February, 2017: Proposal article "Trump's Foreign and Security Policy - Unpredictable President, Realistic Secretaries - " written by Mr. Tsuneo Watanabe is posted on the website of SSDP.
• December, 2016: Proposal article "Reconsidering North Korea Policy: How to Deal with a Nuclear Armed Divided States" written by Professor Masao Okonogi is posted on the website of SSDP.

• Taiwan-Japan Round Table on August 24th, at Capital Tokyu Hotel
• Japan-Korea Political Leaders Dialogue was held on February 10th,2023 at International House of Japan
• March 2022, A remembrance seminar "Remembering Professor Ezra Vogel" held on January 17, 2022
• March 2021, Japan-ROK Parliamentary Dialogue -Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Era of US-China Competition- held on March 11, 2021
• December 2020: The report of the Japan-ROK Future Dialogue held on November 21 to discuss "Japan-ROK Cooperation in the Post-Covid-19 Era
• October 2020: "Responses to COVID-19 and Agendas for the Post-COVID-19 Era", A Brief Overview of the Japan-Korea Experts Dialogue held on July 29,30, 2020
• October 2020: "The China-Taiwan Confrontation over Corona Response and Taiwan's Security" written by Makoto Ogata, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• May 2020: "Rivalries in the Middle East in New Security Dynamics", Written by Sayed Ghoneim, Major General (retired) of the Egyptian Armed Forces, Chairman, Institute for Global Security & Defence Affairs
• March 2020: The Japan-South Korea Relationship in a Cul-de-Sac--- Where is an Exit ? Masao Okonogi Professor Emeritus, Keio Universit
• December 2019: The Hong Kong Upheaval and the Future of Cross-Straits Relations－The 2019 Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue Report OGATA, Makoto Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• August 2019: Report; 2019 FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE --Sustainable Prosperity and Future of Korea-U.S.-Japan Cooperation-- By Future Consensus Institute (Yeosijae)
• June 2019: Report on India – Japan Security Dialogue 2019 by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D Student, The University of Tokyo
• June 2019: Four papers on Japan-India Cooperation submitted to India-Japan Security Dialogue 2019
  1. Japan's Rationale for a Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision
     Tsuneo Watanabe, Senior Fellow, The Sasakawa Peace Foundation
  2. The Significance and Possibilities of India-Japan Cooperation in the Concept of the Indo-Pacific
     Toru ITO Associate Professor, National Defense Academy of Japan
  3. Japan-India Defense Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Context - Operationalizing the Security Aspect of the Indo-Pacific Vision –
     Hideshi Tokuchi, Senior Fellow, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS)
  4. India-US-Japan Defense Cooperation: What's next?
     Dr. Satoru Nagao, Hudson Institute
• November 2018: "The Present State of the Japanese Economy and Policy Issues" lectured by Motoshige Itoh, Professor Emeritus at the University of Tokyo.
• November 2018: "Expanding Social Security Expenses and Fiscal Reforms" lectured by Kazumasa Oguro, Professor at Hosei University.
• September 2018: "Taiwan Identity and Cross-Strait Relations and Trump's Taiwan Policy and the Future of Taiwan-US Relations-Discussion at The Second Japan-Taiwan Strategic Dialogue (June 21, 2018, Taipei)-" written by OGATA, Makoto
• September 2018: "Japan-Taiwan Dialogue 2018 Minutes", 21st June 2018, Taipei, Taiwan.
• July 2018: Report on The Second Japan – Philippines Strategic Dialogue prepared by Ms. Vindu Mai Chotani, Ph.D. Student, Graduate School of Public Policy, Tokyo University.
• May 2018: "Civilian Control "at Crisis"? – Perhaps Not, for the Case of the Field Sit-reps from SDF's South Sudan Mission" reported by Ippeita Nishida, Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Foundation
• January 2018: "Fukushima, Genki？Project－Young Taiwanese volunteers introduce the facts on Fukushima's revival through documentary films－" reported by OGATA, Makoto, Former Chief of the Japan-Taiwan Exchange Association in Taipei
• December 2017: "Commemorating a Quarter Century of Dispatches of the JSDF's PKO Units: Challenges and Possibilities in the Post South Sudan" written by Takayuki Shoji, Lecturer, Nihon University
• November 2017: "19th CCP National Congress" written by Mr. Bonji Ohara, Senior Research Fellow, the Sasakawa Peace Fondation
• October 2017: "What is Japan's Role in the Indo-China border conflict?" written by Dr. NGAO,Satoru, Research Fellow, Institute for Future Engineering
• July 2017: "Overview of the Current Situation in Taiwan-" the Naturally Independent Generation" will affect the Taiwan"s politics-" written by Makoto Ogata MGE.(Ret.)
• June 2017: "Japan-U.S. Economic Dialogue" written by Mr.Takaaki Asano
• March 2017: "The Japan-Philippines Strategic Dialogue" written by Mr. Hideshi Tokuchi
• February, 2017: Current topic "The Importance of Japan's Security Role Under Trump" written by Dr. Satoru Nagao is posted on the SSDP website.
• December, 2016: Current topic "Widening Security Task: Will SDF do the Job?" written by Mr. Ippeita Nishida is posted on the SSDP website.

• July 2025, Research journal "Security Studies (vol7 no2) July 2025" (Studies on India from the Viewpoint of Japan's Security) in English edition was published.
• April 2025, Research journal "Security Studies (vol7 no1) April 2025" (Economic Outlook and Economic Security) in English edition was published.
• January 2025, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no4" (Where Is the US Headed under the Second Trump Administration- Analysis of the 2024 Presidential Election) in English edition was published.
• October 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no3" (What Will End the Ukraine War?) in English edition was published.
• July 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no2" (How Has South Korea Changed under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration?) in English edition was published.
• April 2024, Research journal "Security Studies vol6 no1" (The Middle East in Turmoil) in English edition was published.
• December 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no4" (What is th Global South?) in English edition was published.
• September 2023, Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no3" (Hegemonic America: Where It's Headed) in English edition was published.
• June 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no2" (Nuclear Crisis Scenarios Facing Japan and the Outlook of Nuclear Deterrence and Arms Control and Disarmament) in English edition was published.
• March 2023,Research journal "Security Studies vol5 no1" (What Will Happen to European Security?―Facing the War in Ukraine) in English edition was published.
• January 2023, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 4)" - Defending Our Country – Defense Policy in a "New Cold War Era - was published.
• October 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 3)" - Xi Jinping's China - Politics, Economy, Society and Diplomacy - was published.
• Jun 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 2)" -The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Global Impact- was published.
• March 2022, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 4 no 1)"-What is Economic Security?- was published.
• December 2021, Research Jounal "Security Studies (vol 3 no 4)"-Korean Peninsula Situation- was published.
• September 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no03" -Asia's Security II- (English edition)
• June 2021, A research journal "Security Studies vol03 no02" -Asia's Security I- (English edition)
• March 2021: Research journal "Security Studies (vol3 no1) "- US Foreign Policy in the Biden Administration / The 2020 US Presidential Election and American Democracy -(English edition)
• December 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no4) "- Normalize Japan-South Korea Relations trough Dialogues -(English edition)
• September 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no3) "-The Novel Coronavirus and Security-(English edition)
• July 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no2) - Middle East Situation and Japan's Security - " (English edition) was published
• May 2020: A research journal "Security Studies (vol2 no1) - Cyber, Space, Environment and Security - " March 2020 (English edition)
• February 2020, "A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no4) " (English edition)"
• September 2019: A research journal "Security Studies (vol1 no3) " (English edition)
• August 2019: Korea-Japan Joint Seminar: FUTURE CONSENSUS DIALOGUE
• April 2019: "Security Studies (vol1 no2) April 2019"
• March 2019: A research journal "Security Studies vol1 no01" just published
• February 2019: The Denuclearization of North Korea and the Takeshima Issue
• December 2018: Former Vice Defense Minister Masahiro Akiyama's Memoirs (An Ad)
• November 2018: Participation in the Future Consensus Forum held in Beijing
• September 2018: "2018 Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue" reported by Masahiro Akiyama
• 2017 December: "The Butterfly Project-A possibility of showing a solution to the North Korea problem-"
• October 2017: Campaign on the problems with North Korea
• August 2017: A New Containment Policy Strategy
• June 2017: Korean peninsla
• March 2017: President Duterte
• February, 2017: Kazakhstan
• November, 2016: Participated in Astana Club 2016 held in Kazakhstan on November 14- 16, 2016.